Kwa ma dada

Kwa madada somaa uelewe ukweli kuhusu wanaume 1. Ngono haimfanyi mwanaume asikuache, hata ukukuruke vipi, jikwatue kiasi gani kama hajaona quality za kuwa mke atakuacha tu. 2. Mwanaume anaekupata kwa vile alitumia pesa zake kwako hatakaa na wewe milele Wanaume halisi hawawezi wakatoka na wanawake feki wanaopenda pesa Ukibahatika sana atakufanya daraja la pili yaani mchepuko! 3. Uzuri wa mwanamke unaweza ukampelekea akaolewa ila tabia yake ndio itakayoamua ni kwa muda gani atadumu katika ndoa Uzuri huvutia wanaume, ila tabia hufanya wanaume wadumu na wewe. 4. Pesa kiukweli ina faida sana na ni muhimu kwa mtu yoyote kuwa nayo ila pesa peke yake haiwezi kuleta ukweli wa maana halisi ya furaha na maisha. 6. Kuwa mzuri bila tabia njema hakuwezi kukakupa mume bora, sana sana utapata Boyfriends na wanaume za watu. 6. Tendo la ngono linaleta faraja ila haliwezi kuleta upendo Tendo la ndoa ni zao la mapenzi, mapenzi sio zao la Tendo la ndoa. 7. Tendo la ndoa inaweza kufanya mwanaume alale na wewe usiku kucha, na asubuhi akaondoka zake ila upendo hufanya mwanaume aishi na wewe daima. 8. Kuna mambo mengine pesa haiwezi nunua kama tabia na heshima, kama ulikubali kuolewa nae kisa pesa zake. Usidhani kupitia pesa zake ataweza badilika. 9. Uvaaji wako siku zote ndio utakaoamua ni nini wanaume wazungumze na wewe! 10, Share Like Page

Kwa wasichana Fanya haya ili uweze kuolewa

D E A R L A D I E S 1. Ngono haimfanyi mwanaume asikuache, hata ukukuruke vipi, jikwatue kiasi gani kama hajaona quality za kuwa mke atakuacha tu. 2. Mwanaume anaekupata kwa vile alitumia pesa zake kwako hatakaa na wewe milele Wanaume halisi hawawezi wakatoka na wanawake feki wanaopenda pesa Ukibahatika sana atakufanya daraja la pili yaani mchepuko! 3. Uzuri wa mwanamke unaweza ukampelekea akaolewa ila tabia yake ndio itakayoamua ni kwa muda gani atadumu katika ndoa Uzuri huvutia wanaume, ila tabia hufanya wanaume wadumu na wewe. 4. Pesa kiukweli ina faida sana na ni muhimu kwa mtu yoyote kuwa nayo ila pesa peke yake haiwezi kuleta ukweli wa maana halisi ya furaha na maisha. 6. Kuwa mzuri bila tabia njema hakuwezi kukakupa mume bora, sana sana utapata Boyfriends na wanaume za watu. 6. Tendo la ngono linaleta faraja ila haliwezi kuleta upendo Tendo la ndoa ni zao la mapenzi, mapenzi sio zao la Tendo la ndoa. 7. Tendo la ndoa inaweza kufanya mwanaume alale na wewe usiku kucha, na asubuhi akaondoka zake ila upendo hufanya mwanaume aishi na wewe daima. 8. Kuna mambo mengine pesa haiwezi nunua kama tabia na heshima, kama ulikubali kuolewa nae kisa pesa zake. Usidhani kupitia pesa zake ataweza badilika. 9. Uvaaji wako siku zote ndio utakaoamua ni nini wanaume wazungumze na wewe! Ukipata mwanamke kama hata kosoa vema itakusaidia kuwa na maisha mazuri Share Like Page

helping hand international

... Biashara, Uchumi na Ujasiriamali Dismiss Notice You are browsing this site as a guest. It takes 2 minutes to CREATE AN ACCOUNT and less than 1 minute to LOGIN Fursa kubwa kwa kila mtu (H2i) FAHAMU JINSI YA KUJISAJIRI NA HELPING HANDS INTERNATIONAL (h2i) AMBAYO NI FURSA MUHIMU KWA KUJIKWAMUA KIUCHUMI HELPING HANDS INTERNATIONAL (H2i) Hii ni taasisi isiyo ya kiserikali imeanzishwa huko ufilipino kwa kazi kubwa ya kuwasaidia watu masikini,walemavu,yatima wajane na wenye magonjwa sugu nao kuishi maisha ambayo Mungu anapenda. Hivyo H2i imekuwa ikifanya hivyo ili kusaidia makundi haya duniani kote bila kubagua rangi dini wala kabila. Taasisi hii ya H2i inamfaa yule tu anayeguswa na mahitaji ya hayo makundi na anayependa fedha zake zitumike kusaidia watu kama hao. Ni rahisi sana kuwa mwanachama wa helping hands international!!!! 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Utatoa mchango wa moja kwa moja wa jumla ya DOLA 40 AU Tsh 90, 000 2.Baada ya kutoa mchango huo utasajiliwa na kupewa akaunti yako kwenye tovuti ya Shirika www.helpinghandsinternational.biz/how-it-works.php Akaunti hiyo itaonesha utendaji wako. 3. Baada ya kusajiliwa utapokea namba yako ya siri ya kuingilia kwenye akaunti. Namba hii utaibadilisha na kuweka unayotaka wewe. baada ya hapo sasa wewe unakuwa balozi wa Taasisi ya H2i. 4. Baada ya kuwa Balozi utatakiwa kueneza habari njema za H2i na kuendelea kusajili Mabalozi wengine. Kila unapopata mtu wa kumuunganisha na Shirika kuwa balozi utapatiwa Dola 8 ambazo zinaingizwa moja kwa moja ndani ya Akaunti yako. Baada ya kusajiriwa utaweza kuingia mwenyewe kwenye website/ tovuti ya helping hands international ambapo utaweza ku login kwa kuingiza neno lako la siri kama unavyo fanya ukiingia facebook, kisha utaweza kuedit au kubadirisha baadhi ya taarifa zako mwenyewe ikiwemo neno la siri au password. 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Stage 5 (prime minister), utalipwa $ 12000 PIA utapata fursa ya kujengewa nyumba yenyethamani ya $40,000, hapa utachagua mwenyewe kama ujengewe nyumba yenye thamani hiyo au upewe pesa taslimu. Pia utapata kuhudhuria vikao au mikutano inayofanyika nje ya nchi bure kwa kugharamiwa gharama zote za usafiri, chakula na malazi na helping hands international Pia baada ya hatua zote hizo tano (5), utapata fursa ya kuwa miongoni mwa madairecta wa kampuni ya h2i au (board of trustee). Utaweza kunufaika na faida zifuatazo Bonasi ya $80,000, hii utalipwa mara moja Utalipwa $10,000 kwa mwaka, kama faida/pato ambalo ambayo kampuni imeingiza Utahudhuria vikao au mikutano muhimu ya kampuni huku ukugharamiwa kila kitu. Kila mwaka utateua yatima wawili ambao watapewa nafasi ya kupata elimu huku wakigharamiwa kila kitu na helping hands international. Hii ni fursa muhimu na ya kipekee kwa wewe unayetamani kujikwamua...usikatishwe tamaa woga wako ndio umaskini wako.... Kupambana na umaskini si kwa maneno tu....jaribu sasa wakati mzuri serikali yetu ikitusaidia kwa sheria za kiulinzi za mtandao...ondoa hofu yako.... Kwa mawasiliano zaidi piga simu zifuatazo namba 0755 2681 59 au0656848638au au WhatsApp namba0755268159 na au email kamwelafanaka@gmail.com

History of Africa notes of Ajuco 2017/2018

LECTURE 4: EARLY COMMUNITY FORMATIONS: THE INTERIOR TO 11TH CENTURY Main Sources: 1. C.Ehret, The East African Interior” GHA, Vol 3,pp 616-642. 2. A.B.Itandala, “History of Tanzania to 1890”,pp 23-33. Introduction “The approach to the early history of East Africa is somehow complicated. an attempt to reconstruct the way or ways of life as far as the combined archaeological, anthropological and linguistic evidences will allow.” The linguistic picture has already been set in Lecture 2. Here we are looking at community life. At this stage linguistic differentiation was still taking place. But by the 11th century many proto-languages had been formed settlement in major favourable ecological zones had been accomplished. The Stone Age Hunters and Gatherers Evolution of human history indicates that early inhabitants were hunters and gatherers. In Tanzania we have a more complete archaeological record of the Stone-Age period from time human beings appeared (40,000 years ago) to recent period. Generally speaking one can say that these early inhabitants used their environment without trying to change it very much. They lived on wild animals and birds. They lived in caves or forests and painted on rocks. This kind of existence did not require any tools more sophisticated than stone knives and digging sticks. Hunting and gathering livelihood also required loosely organised community life. Each small hunting band would form a community, and if it became too big it would separate into a number of smaller communities which could work together for daily subsistence, for it was not necessary to save for future consumption. We have already seen how probably it was that the bulk of hunters and gatherers in Tanzania were Khoisan speech. Other surviving hunters and food gatherers living in the forest areas lived in symbiosis with their Bantu nieghbours ( like Batwa of Rwanda and Burundi) and spoke the Bantu language. Other small groups of hunters and gatherers like (like) the Dhahalo of eastern Kenya speak Kushitic language. The First Food Producers We have already seen that the first food producers were Cushitic speaking peoples. We saw that they expanded into the Rift Valley as early as second millennium BC. We noted explanations for their existence. Ehret’s linguistic evidence shows that Cushitic communities with variety of settled agricultural life existed in most of Tanzania, not only in the Rift Valley but stretching to highland areas of northeast to Lake Victoria Basin and up to the coast. Their main weakness was that, even though they introduced agriculture (especially grain and livestock production) they remained Stone Age people because they had no knowledge of making metal tools. When other people with iron working technology arrived (especially Bantu and Nilotic speakers), many of the Cushitic communities were absorbed. Ehret also mentions another widespread group from the central Sudanic language group (Moru Madi) which in our area completely disappeared, although they were cultivators and livestock keepers but were probably also Stone Age communities. Bantu Communities In the period covered by this lecture, 1st 11th century, most of the Bantu speaking communities had expanded quickly after their revolutionary transition in the savannah region south of the rain forest. Being iron using communities they had advantage over other Stone Age communities and they quickly occupied the more favourable areas of the coast including islands, northeastern and Great Lakes areas. Ehret says that by the 11th century, most Bantu speaking peoples had settled in their main territories, had formed the proto-languages of their main branches, but further ethnic differentiation occurred later as they continued to expand in occupying areas within their main environments. The Bantu speaking communities had the advantage of adopting grains ( sorghum and millet) already introduced by Cushitic and Central Sudanic farmers. They probably also adopted new livestock (sheep, cattle, donkey and chickens) from Cushitic,Nilotic and Central Sudanic grouped. Evidence for early Bantu expansion comes from linguistic and archaeological studies. Iron implements, pieces of plots and bones of domestic animals using radio carbon dating. “Dimple based” and “Channelled-based” types of pottery have been used as evidence. The Question of Shungwaya A mythological place in southern Somalia claimed by historians to be a dispersed area for East African coastal Swahili communities (Bantu and Shirazi) as well as most of eastern Bantu groups on the highlands. Nurse and Spear say that, although it might be the place of origin for the Swahili and coastal people, its connection with highland people has been exaggerated (see also Kimambo in Zamani) Nilotes and Mixed Farmers The expansion of Nilotic languages into East Africa and the Rift Valley region of Kenya and Tanzania have already been discussed. The span of expansion from periods similar to Bantu expansion (for Highland Nilotes) in the first millennium AD to most recent periods of the 19th century ( for Luo speaking people) is the widest for the community formations in Tanzania. Another point to note is that although most of Nilotic groups had tendency towards mixed economy (agriculture and pastoralism), some communities, especially the Maasai speakers have tended to become mainly pastoralists. Socio-Economic Organisation about 11th Century AD. Hunting and Gathering Only small groups of hunters and gatherers remain in Tanzania today and even these are quickly becoming agriculturalists. The Sandawe of Kondoa District; others have already changed entirely and these include the Hadzabe, Aramanik, Asa, Qwaza, Sonjo, Ogiek or Ndorobo. Note that only the Sandawe still speak Khoisan language. Others speak Cushitic (Hadzabe)?, Asa, Aramanik, Qwaza; Bantu (Sonjo) and Nilotic (Ogiek or Ndorobo). Pastoralists Mostly Nilotes of the Highland and Plains branches. The Tatoga and Maasai groups living in Arusha, Serengeti, Dodoma, Singida, Shinyanga and Mara Regions. Many of them still depend on cattle for their livelihood. They tend to move around following pastures (nomadic). Residential groups not stable either in size, composition or location. But families tended to be stable because of owning property (cattle). Unlike gatherers who had no permanent leadership, the Tatoga and Maasai pastoralists had permanent leadership by male elders (not centralised). Strong age-grades and age-sets. The Agriculturalists or Cultivators Mostly the Bantu speaking peoples. They settled in various types of environments and cultivated crops most suited to the ecology.Examples: bananas in highlands of Unyakyusa, Kilimanjaro, Meru and Bukoba. Grains such as sorghum and millets in grasslands like those of Mwanza, Shinayanga, Kigoma, Dodoma and Singida Regions. Although agriculture became the main activity they hunted and fished. (a). Unlike hunters and gatherers and pastoralists, who were nomadic, cultivators were forced to live sedentary life by the nature of their economy. (b). Secondly agricultural production made storage or accumulation, management and distribution necessary. (c). These tasks called for cooperation and managerial leadership. Kinship relations, clans and lineages played an important part in this kind of leadership evolution. (d). Because of this cohesion and solidarity, the family became the unit of production of the means of subsistence. (e). The elders emerged as the leaders of community. Mixed Farmers Communities which combined the cultivation of food crops and livestock keeping. This could also be in addition to a little hunting, honey collecting and fishing. They include members from all main linguistic groups: Bantu, Cushites and Nilotes. (a). Most Cushitic groups ( Iraqw, Gorowa and Burungi) have had this combination since the Stone Age period. (b). The Bantu seen to have adopted after arrival in this area and their interaction with both Cushitic and Nilotic groups. People like Wasukuma, Wanyamwezi, Wagogo, Wanyaturu, Wakuria etc. (c). The best example of Nilotes are the Waarusha and the Parakuyo. LECTURE 5: FROM SIMPLE TO COMPLEX COMMUNITIES: NORTHWESTERN TANZANIA Sources: 1. B.A.Ogot, “The Great Lakes Region” General History of Africa, Vol.IV, pp.498-524. 2. J.B.Webster, B.A.Ogot and J.P.Chretien, “The Great Lakes Region, 1500- 1800”, G.H.A, Vol.V, pp 776-827. 3. I.N.Kimambo, “The Interior Before 1800” A History of Tanzania, pp.14- 33. 4. A.B.Itandala, “History of Tanzania to 1890”, pp.47-54. Introduction Pre 11th Century Social Structure We saw in the previous lecture existence of simple social organisations weather the communities were of hunter-gatherers, agriculturalists, pastoralists or mixed farmers. They had the following characteristics (a) The essential means of production ie land, forests, rivers, lakes etc were collectively owned. (b) The production of the means of subsistence was carried out either on group or individual family basis. (c) The product of labour was distributed equally among the members of the production unit, be it a hunting group or an agricultural or pastoral family. (d) Commodity production and exchange were absent except perhaps on the coast. What they had was a subsistence economy in which the purpose of production was local consumption and not sale. (e) Classes and exploitation of some people by others were still absent in all these communities. (f) All early Tanzania communities were simply organised either as hunting or gathering bands or as kin based cultivators or animal herders. (g) Communities were not yet divided into ethnic groups as we know them today. Yet the main proto-linguistic groups were already in place and different languages were to develop in the process of differentiation which gave birth to move complex communities. Development of Complex Communities From about 11th century, communities started experiencing changes- these were greater in agricultural and mixed farming communities than in pastoral communities. These changes were social, economic and political in nature. This was due to the following causes: (a) increase in contact or coming together of people of different languages, cultures and origin. Movements of people were still taking place. (b) Possession of iron technology by Bantu, Nilotic and other Tanzanian peoples during the 1st millennium AD promoted agricultural and animal production activities. This led not only to production of more food and increased population but also evolution of more complex communities: greater social and economic differentiation. Centralised political leadership and institutions appeared. (c) A differentiated community is one in which the original order of equality and equal access to resources has been destroyed by division of people according to wealth and privileges. The differentiated communities with centralised social and political institutions are generally known as Kingdoms or States. A state is a political unit which has centralised government with powers to collect tribute or taxes, to draft people for public works or for war and to make laws and enforce them in its territory. In this lecture, we shall examine the evolution in northwestern Tanzania. Northwestern Tanzania Identification of the Area Northwestern Tanzania is made up of what are now the Kagera and Kigoma administrative regions. They form part of what is known today as the Great Lakes Region of East Africa (or previously the Interlacustrine region). Because of its fertile soil and high rainfall, this area was one of the earliest parts to be settled by iron-using Bantu speaking cultivators and pastoralists. The area has two climate zones: (a) The lake shore zone which lies within 24 km from Lake Victoria where rainfall is more abundant and reliable. (b) The grassland belt which extends from Kagera to highland areas of Kigoma. Agriculture and cattle keeping are possible in both zones. But the Lake Victoria zone was more suitable for banana growing as well as production of other crops than cattle keeping while the grassland zone is more suitable for cattle keeping than for the growing of banana and other crops. Before the Formation of Kingdoms The area was thinly populated by small groups of cultivators organised on kinship basis. They lived side-by-side with similarly organised groups of cattle keepers. As population increased through migration from the neighbouring areas (such as southwestern Uganda, Rwanda and Burundi) and by natural increase, the kinship organisation started breaking up because it failed to cope with the problems caused by a growing mixed population. The kinship organisation: (a) was also undermined by social differentiation which had already started within clans by 1000 A.D. This differentiation led to specialised groups or iron workers, pot-makers, craftsmen, rain makers, medicine men and clan leaders. Some of the clans and the specialised groups within them became richer and more powerful than others. In Karagwe, for example the Basita clan is said to have became fairly big and influencial by 1000 A.D. Similarly, clans such as the Batundu, Bahunga, Bayano and Baheta became big and influencial socially, economically and politically after 1000 A.D in Kyamutwara, Ihangiro and Buzinza. Gradually, these clans placed several other clans under their control. 4 It was this rise of some clans to dominate which probably led to the formation of kingdoms of Karagwe, Kyamutwara, Ihangiro and Buzinza. Then by about 16th century, these kingdoms are said to have been taken over by a Hima pastoral group known as Bahinda. Who were the Bahinda? Oral tradition in this area claim that the Bahinda were descendants of the Bachwezi rulers of the empire of Bunyoro-Kitara in western Uganda, who invaded the area, conquered it and founded the kingdoms. They are said to have done so when the Bachwezi were replaced as rulers in Bunyoro by a Luo group from southern Sudan known as Babito. Colonial scholars claimed that the Bachwezi were Hamitic invaders and conquerors of western Uganda from Ethiopia. This means that the Bahinda and their Bachwezi forefathers were supposed to be Hamites from Ethiopia. But there is no convincing evidence for this claim. This is regarded as one of the manifestation of the Hamitic myth we mentioned earlier. Further to the south, in Buha leaders of the dominant founder clans known as Bateko became wealthy and powerful as time went on. They were the people responsible for allocating land to families in their village communities. In this way, eventually they became landlords demanding goods and labour services from individuals to whom land was allocated. So differentiation had taken place before kingdoms were formed. Then by about 16th century or probably later, a north Buha kingdom was established north and east of the malagarasi River by a Tutsi dyanasty known as Bahumbi. This north Buha kingdom later became divided into several smaller kingdoms known as Buyogoma, Buyungu and Muhambwe. A south Buha kingdom was also established south of the Malagarasi River by another Tutsi ruling family known as Bakimbiri. This kingdom became divided into several small kingdoms later in the 19th century. These were Luguru, Heru and Bushingo. Again, it was claimed by colonial anthropologists and historians that the Tutsi rulers of Rwanda, Burundi and the Ha kingdoms were Hamitic conquerors from the Ethiopia highlands. However, there is no evidence to support this claim from the oral traditions of the people. (i) Both the Bahima and Batutsi are Bantu speaking with no indication that they might have been assimilated Cushitic minorities. (ii) The physical appearance between them and the agricultural people can probably be explained in terms of differences in diet and selective selective breeding over a long time. The Hima and Tutsi living on meat, milk, blood and marrying exclusively within their own socio-economic group. One can, therefore, reasonably conclude that the Hima/Tutsi pastoralists in the Great Lakes region were not conquerors but local people who rose to power from within. Social and Political Features of the Kingdoms The most notable feature was the patron-clientage relationship. This is sometimes referred to as patronage or clientage. This can be defined as the giving of favours and privileges by rulers to their subordinate officials in exchange for services and loyalty. The giver of favours is known as patron or master, while the receiver of favours from a patron is known as client. (a) In the Lake Victoria zone of this area, where cattle were less numerous and less important, this relationship was based on land. The Bahinda rulers, though a minority, eventually managed to establish firm control over the subject clans. As it was in the kingdom of Buganda to the north, the Omukama (king) in each Haya kingdom first strive to reduce the power of the clan leader in the districts of his territory. He did so by replacing them as district heads with his own appointee known as abakungu. Originally only members of the royal family (the abalangira) were appointed; later even commoners were appointed to these positions. (b) Because of their monopoly of political power, the abakama (kings) in the Haya kingdoms eventually seized control of most of the productive land and divided it up into large estates known as nyarubanja. The nyarubanja were then given by the abakama to their to their abakungu appointees, relatives and friends as rewards in return for their services and loyalty. Once land had been allocated, the people living in it automatically became tenants and clients of the new landlord. These landlords became known as abatwazi while the tenant cultivators became known as abatwarwa. In this relationship, the omutwazi or patron provided protection and the use of a plot of land for the production of food and other goods to the omutwarwa or client in return for the provision of goods such as bananas, beer, backcloth, coffee beans and labour services. Thus, the introduction of the nyarubanja system of land tenure led to the establishment of new social relations which replaced the old communal clan relations. It established, not only the patron-client relationship between the cultivators and the Bahima ruling group, but also a hierarchical administrative system in which the cultivators were replaced in a political system made up of a series of regional administrators rising to the omukama at the top. In the grassland areas of Karagwe and Kigoma region- the basis of patron-client relationship was cattle. This relationship was known as ubugabire in the Ha kingdoms. At first, it was based on land when the Bateko or clan leaders acquired clients by giving plot of land to individuals in exchange for goods and labour services. After the rise of the Batutsi pastoralists to power, cattle became the basis of patronage. Under this system, the Umwami (King) in each Ha kingdom gave cattle to his senior regional administrative officials known as abatware in order to make them serve him well and loyally. Having been given political positions and cattle, the abatware were not only expected to serve the Umwami well but also to show their faithfulness or loyalty to him by occasionally visiting him and giving him presents. Similarly, his officials at different levels gave cattle to their juniors as rewards for their services and support. They also loaned cattle to poor people, both Batutsi and Bahutu in exchange for goods, services and respect. An ordinary client obtained protection and custody of cattle from his patron in exchange for goods, services and respect. An ordinary client obtained protection and the custody of cattle from his patron in exchange for goods such as beer, iron tools, pots, crafts and labour services such as building houses or compound fences, collecting firewood and cultivation of patron’s fields. However, it was not only the ruling group had its clients in Karagwe and Ha kingdoms. Ordinary Bahima and Batutsi cattle owner got clients also by loaning and giving cattle to poor people in exchange for goods, services and recognition of their superiority. This means that the patron-client system was used by Bahima/ Batutsi cattle owners to exploit non-cattle owners especially the Bairu/ Bahutu agriculturalists. It is clear that by 1800 the people of northwestern Tanzania had established many small kingdoms. These kingdoms especially in the cattle zone had a rigid class system which was like caste system. The economic system had also become complex by mixing pastoralism with agriculture. It was the clientage system which was the special mark of these communities. LECTURE 6: THE NTEMI REGION AND SIMILAR STATE STRUCTURES Sources: 1. A.B. Itandala, “History of Tanzania to 1890”, pp.54-61. 2. I.N.Kimambo, “The Interior Before 1800” in Kimambo and Temu (eds). A History of Tanzania (1969), pp.14-33. 3. A.Sheriff (1980), “Tanzanian Societies at the Time of the Partition” in Kaniki (ed). Tanzania Under Colonial Rule, pp. 11-48. 4. I.N.Kimambo (1969), A Political History of the Pare of Tanzania, c.1500-1900. 5. J.Iliffe (1979), A Modern History of Tanganyika, pp. 6-39. 6. K.Stahl (1965), History of the Chagga People of Kilimajaro. 7. S.Feierman (1974), The Shambaa Kingdom. 8. P.R.Schmidt (1978), Historical Archaeology, pp.28-41. Introduction The Ntemi region includes almost the whole of western and central Tanzania where the ruler of each political unit was known as mtemi or mutemi. It includes areas known as Usukuma, Unyamwezi, Iramba, Ugogo and Ukimbu. In this area complex communities emerged between 1000 and 1800 AD. Earlier colonial anthropologists and historians had claimed that these kingdoms were established by Bahima/Batutsi pastoralists from the Great Lake region. Some have seen leaders from this area moving to other regions where states were formed, like northeastern and southern highlands; thus extending the ntemi system farther. We now know that this claim was based on the “Hamitic hypothesis” which attributes all state building in and around the Great Lakes region to the so-called Hamitic Bahima and Batutsi. Before the Formation of State Before the formation of kingdoms or states, the ntemi region was inhabited mainly by simple Bantu-speaking farmers who lived in small separate clan communities. The population was thinly spread and neighbourhood units or villages. There were many such nieghbourhood communities which were self-governing. The leaders of these village units became known as batemi (derived from kutema, meaning cutting down trees or cleaning the bush in a given area) because they were the people who directed the bush-clearing operations in their areas of settlements. Thus, batemi appeared as communities adopted sedentary way of life increased agricultural activity. But these early batemi were no more than village or neighbourhood heads. Their authority was limited to small communities mainly of their own lineages or clans. As the population of the region increased due to immigration or natural increase, contact between different clan communities also increased. This, in turn, created new problems which could not be solved by the existing organisation. There was increased struggle for resources and dominance between leaders of different nieghbouring communities. In this struggle, clans such as Babinza, Bakwimba, Basega, Basiya, Bakamba and Basagali emerged victorious and became ruling groups in Usukuma and Unyamwezi. Formation of Larger Units (Butemi or Mabutemi) This came into being in the process of uniting a number of nieghbouring clan communities which may have started in the 16th century. Each Butemi was headed by a mtemi assisted by a group of state elders known as banang’oma or banikula at the central level and by headmen known as banangwa ( sin. ng’wanangwa) at the local level. The different mabutemi or states were founded at different times. Their formation elevated the butemi (kingship) from its simple beginnings to more elaborate political institution. The ntemi since then became the ruler of a fairly big plural society or community instead of being a leader of a small lineage or clan community as before. Characteristics of Ntemi State They were fairly numerous and much smaller than those of northwestern Tanzania. In Usambara alone for example there about 30 small states just before introduction of colonial rule (Itandala, 57). There was about the same number in Unyamwezi and many more in Ugogo. The main reasons included the following: They were formed by different ruling clans in different places of the region and at different times. Availability of plenty of land in areas near the original states, encouraged people to move. Shifting cultivation of grain crops. Limited surplus. It was difficult in the ntemi region to produce a big surplus food which could support large ruling classes because the region had less fertile soils and little irregular rainfall annually. For these reasons, what emerged in this region were many smc and all states with small ruling classes. These states were more numerous and much smaller in Ugogo where climatic and environmental conditions were favourable. Economically, people in the ntemi region were forced by the environmental and climatic conditions to do different activities in order to survive. Besides cultivating grain crops and raising livestock, they fished, hunted, collected honey and engaged in commodity exchange or trading. By 1800, the Wasukuma and Wanyamwezi had developed caravan trading among themselves and between them and distant areas such as northwestern Tanzania, northern Zambia, the Shaba or Katanga region of Congo and the Mrima coast. Such activities enabled the batemi and their assistants to live a little more comfortable life than their subjects. But they did not accumulate to become rich because they often shared with their subjects the wealth which they received as tribute, especially in time of food shortages. Examples From Other Regions of Tanzania Northeastern Tanzania The northeastern highland areas of Usambara, Pare, Kilimanjaro, Meru and the Maasai steppe or plains bordering the eastern arm of the Rift valley form the northeastern region. We have already seen how parts of this region were inhabited by iron-using Bantu agriculturalists, Nilotic postoralists and Cushitic mixed farmers since the beginning of the first millennium A.D. The region continued to attract immigrants long after 1000 A.D. In fact many people appear to have settled there between 10th century and 18th centuries. Most of these later immigrants mainly settled on highlands of Usmabara, Pare and Kilimanjaro where climatic and environmental conditions were more favourable. The presence of bananas was probably another attraction. Here again (like northwestern and ntemi region) state societies appeared after 1000 A.D. K.Stahl (1964), I,N.Kimambo (1969) and S.Feierman (1974) have shown that the Chagga, Pare and Shambaa states arose between 15th century and 18th centuries. They were not a product of military conquest or diffusion of political ideas from elsewhere as claimed earlier by colonial scholars. According to existing oral traditions in the region, iron working clans were the groups of people responsible for establishing these states. In Upare, for example, the Shana iron making clan is said to have established the Gweno state just before the 16th century. This state was later taken over by the Suya clan. Similarly, the beginnings of the Shambaa kingdom were established by the Wakina Tui iron producers in the Vugha-Bumble area of southern Usambara. But the centralization and expansion of the kingdom was carried on by Mbegha and his successors in the 18th and 19th centuries. The Chagga bon the slopes of mount Kilimanjaro formed states but the role of iron-smelters has not been explained. Here evolution of many small states was partly due to broken up environment of ridges which were separated from each other by streams and valleys. These states were established by different clans which came from different places and settled on the ridges. In semi-arid areas bordering the northeastern highlands such as the Maasai plains, Handeni, Kondoa, the Tatoga area and Unyaturu, both unfavourable environmental conditions and the low level of technology combined to limit the number of people which these areas could support. As a result, people living in this area (the Maasai, Zigua, Tatoga and Nyaturu) did not undergo social differentiation and establish states as their neighbours in the highlands. Their social organisation remained simple and was based on age-grades and age-sets. The Southern Highlands The southern highlands region consists of Iringa, Mbeya and Rukwa administrative regions. With the exception of Fipa plateau, this part of Tanzania is a strange region because despite having a favourable environment, its population remained small and no centralised kingdoms arose before the Ngoni invasion of southern Tanzania in the 19th century. One possible explanation is the shortage of metals in the region. It seems that only Ufipa and Ukinga had iron-ore. The Nyakyusa got their tools from Ukinga. This means that they had their neighbours continued to use wooden hoes for cultivation until the early 19th century. This factor must have reduced their ability to expand agriculture and to clear the thick natural vegetation for settlement. Another factor which may have hindered growth of big population is the cold weather found there during the dry season. Even though the region receives more than 1016 mm of reliable rainfall every year, its soils are not that fertile except a few places. These factors, however, did not make the southern highlands a hardship region. On the contrary, its small population was well fed with bananas, millet, beans and cattle products. Social Organisation Because the population was small and land fairly plentiful between 1000 and 1800 in the southern highlands, land was not owned by individuals but by village communities. This abundance of land appears to have influenced the pattern of social and political organisation of the Nyakyusa and others in the region. There was little basis for economic specialisation and social differentiation. The most characteristic of their social organisation was the age-village in which people of the same age or generation lived together as equals. As their children began to marry, they lived in their own villages which were officially established every 30 years. These age-villages were headed by elected headmen known as amafumu. These amafumu had political and ritual powers. From about 16th century, however, a new form of political organisation was introduced in Unyakyusa by cattlemen from Ukinga. The control of cattle and iron tools enabled the invaders from Ukinga to get more political influence in the area. But the political system they established did not lead to emergence of centralised society into antagonistic classes. Instead, they established many petty political units. So did their Nyiha neighbour in Mbozi and the Bena in Njombe. The only people who established states in the southern highlands before the 19th century were the Fipa of Rukwa Region. It was about 1700 when the Milansi kingdom was established by the Milansi iron-smelters. This kingdom is said to have covered the whole of Ufipa. Then in about the middle of the 18th century, this kingdom was invaded and taken over by a group of people known as Twa from the north. Colonial scholars suggested that these invaders were Tutsi from Buha, Burundi or Rwanda. But there is no convincing evidence for this claim. After the takeover of Ufipa by the Twa, the Milansi kingdom was divided into two kingdoms known as Nkasi in the north and Lyangalile in the south. Apart from the two Fipa kingdoms, no other states of substance emerged in this part of Tanzania before the 19th century. LECTURE 7: COMMODITY PRODUCTION AND EXCHANGE TO 1800 Sources: 1. A.B. Itandala, “History of Tanzania to 1890”, pp.69-83. Note his reference on page 83 2. I.N.Kimambo, “Environmental Control and Hunger in the Mountains and Plains of Nineteenth-Century Northeastern Tanzania” in Maddox, Giblin and Kimambo (eds) Custodians of the Land (1996), pp.71-95. Introduction What is a commodity? A Commodity is a product produced primarily for sale. It is differentiated from a product produced mainly for consumption or use. The communities which developed in Tanzania between 100 and 1800 A.D produced mainly for consumption in order to survive. They had subsistence economies. Food crops as millet, sorghum, bananas, beans and sweet potatoes, for example were produced for consumption. In modern Tanzania, cash crops like cotton, coffee and sisal are commodities because they are produced for sale. Factors Leading to Development of Commodity Production Before 1800 Unequal distribution of resources. Thus, scarcity of vital metals and minerals in human life such as iron and salt. Regional specialization To demonstrate how this developed it is necessary to consider different regions of the country as follows: (1) the Great Lakes Region (2) Western and Central Tanzania (3) Northeastern Tanzania and (4) Southern Tanzania. Commodity Production and Exchange in the Interlacustrine (Great Lakes) Region We have already seen that before formation of kingdoms there was already specialisation of production in some parts. For example, livestock producers (Bahima/Batutsi) and agricultural producers (Bairu and Bahutu). Since all people needed both animal and agricultural products, it became necessary for these communities to exchange products. This is how local trade or simple exchange developed in the region. They were not exchanging commodities; they were simply exchanging surpluses of their animal products such as milk, meat and skins with agricultural products such as bananas, millet, beans and sweet-potatoes. Unequal distribution of resources could also lead to development of local trade and eventually to commodity production and regional exchange. Salt was one of these important resources. People could produce most of their food, but high quality salt could only be found in certain areas. Throughout the region, poor quality salt could be obtained from surface salt pans and saline grasses. But because they normally preferred high quality salt for seasoning their food, they could only get it through exchange with those who produced it or those who obtained from the source. In the interlacustrine region, such salt was only produced from the shores of Lakes Kitwe, Kasenyi and Albert in western Uganda. All this salt was produced by people who specialised in producing it. This means that they got everything else which they needed for existence in exchange for it. From these production centres salt was carried in baskets by head or shoulder to different parts of Uganda, Rwanda, Northeastern Congo, Burundi and Northwestern Tanzania where it was exchanged for other goods. Northwestern Tanzania was also supplied with high quality salt from Uvinza on the Malagarasi aRiver. That is how salt became one of the earliest commodities of the Great Lakes or the Interlacustrine region. Iron ore was another unevenly distributed item in the Great Lakes region. Bunyoro had the richest deposits. There also rich iron ore deposits in Karagwe, Buhaya, Buzinza and Buha. For this reason, northwestern Tanzania was one of the main suppliers of iron tools to other parts of the region and western Tanzania. Like high quality salt, iron was produced by specialists. For this reason, it became one of the earliest commodities of this region. Other goods which were exchanged in this region were bark-cloth of which Buganda and the Hay states were the main suppliers, tobacco, with Nkore kingdom as the main supplier and coffee beans, with the Haya kingdoms as the main suppiers. It is evident that simple commodity production and exchange developed in the interlacustrine region. It did so long before the region was reached by colonial traders in the 19th century. But this was mainly an exchange of essential goods in subsistence of the people and not trade for profit-making. For this reason only a few luxury goods were exchanged in the region, such as tobacco, coffee beans and various ornaments. No money or anything else was used an means of exchange in this region before 1800. People simply echanged goods they had for goods they did not have. This is generally known as the barter system. As regards markets, fairly regular ones existed at the production centres and different capitals of the kingdoms. But no merchant class had appeared before 1800. The producers themselves exchanged their goods; and those got surplus from the producers sometimes moved from place to place looking for others who had goods for exchange. Thus, some kind of peddler system appeared. Commodity Production and Exchange in Western and Central Tanzania As already seen, this is a region with poor soils and irregular low rainfall. It was suitable for grain, root crops and livestock. People had to think of various ways to make them survive in this kind of environment. They adopted shifting cultivation in order to maintain marginal production of their main food crops (millet and sorghum). They utilized forest, river and lake resources of their region by hunting wild animals, collecting honey, making wooden crafts and fishing in rivers and lakes. They developed exchange system which enabled them to share their scarce resources among themselves and to obtain other products from neighbouring regions. Thus, there was development of simple commodity production and exchange. Uneven Distribution of Resources People in western Unyamwezi, for example became fishermen and pot makers. Thus they exchanged dried fish and pots for grain and other things with their northern neighbours. Similarly forest products such as bark-boxes, honey and wooden crafts produced in southern Unyamwezi and Ukimbu were exchanged for grain and other products. Livestock, especially cattle from northern Unyamwezi and Usukuma were exported to southern Unyamwezi and Ukimbu in exchange for crops, iron goods and salt. Iron and high quality salt were the most attractive commodities in this region. Iron deposits were only found in neighbouring areas. The Walongo area in the former kingdom of Buzinza in the north, Buyungu kingdom in Buha in the northwest and Ukimbu and Ufipa in the south. In order to obtain iron tools people in many parts of western and central Tanzania had to travel to different production centres. The fetching of iron tools used to take place during the dry season when people were free from agricultural work and travelling was easier. Expeditions of 30 or more men used to travel to the iron centres every year. They used to take necessary goods for exchange. Only men, because iron smelting was associated with taboos which forbade women to come near iron smelters. High quality salt was produced in only few places such as Uvinza, on lower Malagarasi River, Ivuna near western end of Lake Rukwa, Kanyenye in western Ugogo and on the shores of Lake Eyasi and Kitangiri. Uvinza was the most important source because its springs produced exceptionally good salt. Like the fetching of iron tools from its sources took place during the dry season for the same reasons. But unlike iron-smelting, which in most cases was undertaken by men belonging to special families and clans, salt production could be undertaken by anyone who wanted to specialise. Even fetching salt from the centres of production could be undertaken by both men and women. But it was more difficult than iron because it involved travelling long distances carrying heavy loads of food and baskets of salt. They did so in caravans (Wasukuma to Lake Eyasi, for example). Distribution Salt especially needed further effort. After fetching it, the people involved would keep some of it for their own use, but had to exchange the surplus for other things. Thus, salt, like iron, became one of the regular items exchanged for other goods. Many people participated in its production and transportation form production centres and its exchange for other goods. The Wanyamwezi and Wasukuma developed the habit of organizing caravans from this participation in fetching iron and salt. This habit enabled them to be the most active people in long distance trade between the coast and the interior in the 19th century. What was originally local exchange in basic goods like iron goods, salt, foodstuffs, livestock and crafts, gradually expanded and connected western and central Tanzania with other regions in the interior of Tanzania and even beyond to Zambia and the Shaba or Katanga region of Congo. Northeastern Tanzania As an economic region, this includes the Muheza and Handeni plateau, the highlands of Usambara, Pare, Kilimanjaro, Meru and Maasai steppe. The region is known by scholars as the Pangani Valley because it is drained by the Pangani River. We saw how centralised states evolved in the highlands. Economically, all peoples of the region established networks of local trade and regional exchange before 1800. The people involved in this regional exchange included the pastoral Maasai, the agricultural Maasai (Arusha and Parakuyo), Meru, Chagga, Pare, Shambaa, Bondei and Zigua. Most of the exchange carried out in ordinary customer goods such as foodstuffs, livestock, crafts, pots, animal skins, medicines and tobacco. Iron goods were produced by certain families or clans in few places. Because, the spaecialised production and scarcity iron tools became important items of trade. The Chagga, Maasai and northern Shambaa obtained their iron from Pare smelters. Similarly, the Shambaa were the greatest producers of tobacco in the region. They exchanged it for other goods with the Zigua, Maasai, Pare, Bondei and Digo neighbours. They also exchanged ghee, livestock and tobacco for sea-shells and other things with the Swahili at the coast. Unlike iron goods which were exchanged throughout this region, the exchange of salt was less important in this region. There was no major source of high quality salt in this part of the country. Most of the salt which was exchanged in this region was produced by the Zigua on the plains of Mombo. The Zigua also brought iron goods and game markets on the border with Usambara which they exchanged with bananas, tobacco and other things. One special note about the exchange network is the existence of regularly rotating marketing system which facilitated possibility of exchange in all neighbourhoods. The Southern Interior This is a varied region extending from the Makonde plateau in the east to the Fipa plateau in the west and from the highlands of Iringa and Mbeya in the north to the Ruvuma River and Lake Nyasa in the south. Among the peoples found in the region include the Makonde, Makua, Yao, Kinga, Kisi, Nyakyusa,Bena, Sangu, Hehe, Nyiha and Fipa. A large variety of goods were produced and exchanged in this region. A apart from livestock and food stuffs, the main items of exchange were: iron goods, salt, cotton cloth and pots. The Fipa were famous for their iron industry which was probably biggest in the region. Their iron goods were traded in many parts of the southern highlands, western Tanzania, northeastern Zambia and northwestern Malawi. They were well known for their cotton-cloth and their smoked fish. Other important iron producers were the Nyiha, Kinga and the Yao. The Nyiha and Kinga( like the Fipa), supplied their iron goods to people in the highlands, while the Yao supplied to people living southeast of the highlands. The Nyiha and their western neighbours, the Nyamwanga, were also famous tobacco and cotton-cloth producers. They exchanged these products with all their neighbours for other products. Most of the salt in the region was mostly produced by the Wanda at Ivuna salt pans, near the southern end of Lake Rukwa. Some of this salt was exchanged as far as western Tanzania, northeastern Zambia and northwestern Malawi. A good amount of salt was also produced by the Bena at Saja. This salt was exchanged for grain, livestock and other goods form Uhehe, Usangu, Ukinga and Unyakyusa. Areas lying southeast of the highlands such as Undendeule, Umatengo, Umakua and Ungindo received some of their salt form the Swahili coast. Other specialised producers included Kisi pot makers of the northern shore of Lake Nyasa. The pots were widely exchanged on the highlands and northwestern Malawi. Another group, the Ndali of Ileje district who were skilled makers of bark-cloth LECTURE 8: THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SWAHILI CIVILISATION Sources: 1. D. Nurse and T. Spear, The Swahili (1985) 2. B.Itandala, “History of Tanzania up to 1890”, pp.80-82. 3. V.V.Matveiev (1984), “The Development of the Swahili Civilisation”, General History of Africa, vol. IV, pp.455-480. Introduction We have already seen how Bantu-speaking iron using communities settled on the coast since the 1st millennium A.D. These were settlements of agricultural people and some of their villages gradually united to form small and big towns. Although the settlements and the big towns were on the sea shore, many were located near beaches or creeks or on islands without good harbours. This means that the Swahili towns were initially small farming and fishing communities. They produced sorghum, millet, rice, coconuts, fish, iron implements, salt and various fruits for consumption and exchange. The Swahili towns also exchanged surplus of their ordinary consumer goods and essential commodities such as iron and salt among themselves and with neighbouring communities in the hinterland from whom they got ivory, rhinocerous horns and other things. They also traded with foreign traders who occasionally visited the coast. The amount of trade in the Tanzanian towns and settlements remained small until the twelfth century. The most important common element was the growth of the Kiswahili language as a common means of communication. Even before the growth of what may be called “Swahili civilisation” coastal society already had undergone differentiation. As trade with southern Arabia, Oman, Persia and India expanded in about 11th century, settlements and villages formed towns of varying sizes such as Mtang’ata, Utondwe, Kunduchi, Kisiju and Kilwa Kisiwani including ( of course) Zanzibar and Pemba. Greater wealth came to be concentrated in the hands of few leading families. What was the “Swahili Civilisation”? In previous lecture we have referred to the myth of Zanj empire. The theory of development of the “Swahili civilisation” is built on actual existing structures which at present are merely witnessed by ruins which can be studied and some of them have been studied by archaeologists. The explanations which have been given also include legends which have been discredited. There are therefore two distinct explanations about the Swahili civilisation. Swahili Civilisation as the work of Persians and Arabs who either built towns, introduced Islam and spread their own culture which was superior to that of the Africans or paved the way for and fostered such development. “This theory was first put forward by J. Strandes at the end of the 19th century. It was based on Hegel’s philosophies of history according to which peoples of the world are divided into those who have historical influence and those who are passive, have no creative powers and are condemned to be led by activists.” A number of variants of this theory can be seen in a number of writings written by colonial scholars. Nationalist and materialist scholars have given a more acceptable explanation which sees Africans being involved in the whole development. The question of Shirazi dynasties claimed by a number of chronicles of the Swahili towns has to be understood in terms of evolution of Swahili culture built on a tradition of expanding communities which were becoming more complex as they incorporated people from many directions. New ideology provided a way of solving problems created by complexity. The Shirazi element should be seen as one of the absorbed ethnic components of a community seeking to solve existing problems. Influential groups in Swahili society competing for power with old aristocracy. The Role of Islam The penetration of Islam may have begun as early as 8th century, especially in the northern side of the East African coast. al-Masudi in the 10th century reports of Islam in the islands and by the 13th century Islam is said to have spread to the coast. There is no evidence of organised effort to spread Islam in this region as it happened in North Africa. So conversion was gradual through economic and social contacts. Because of expansion of trade and contacts with Islamised persons since the last decades of 12th century and greately expanding in the 14th and 15th centuries Islam expanded greatly. But even then, this was a gradual process: Muslim titles such as Sultan still co-existed with local ones, like Mfalme and were used side by side as mentioned by Ibn Batuta in 1331. In fact in Zanzibar, the title of Mwinyi Mkuu remained unchanged (see Itandala, p.65). The first to adopt Islam were perhaps the rich merchants. Their example was followed by the old aristocracy and only later on followed by sections of the common people. Adoption of Islam was bound up with assimilation of cultural attainments which were applicable to the local community. This was accompanied by much borrowing from Arabic, particularly trade, religion and law. The existence of kadis in some of the coastal towns would indicate the legal borrowing, though not the whole sharia. The highest example of this selective adoption was that of Kiswahili being put into writing based on Arabic script. Swahili Architecture The spread of Islam to the coastal settlements and towns led to the construction of mosques and other buildings in stone. Most of the stone architecture begun in 12th century especially in Gedi, Zanzibar and Kilwa. The initaial construction was simple consisting of laying coral blocks on red clay. The only building surviving to this day is the Great Mosque of Kilwa. From 13th century, the building method changed: large and “rather crudely shaped cubic blocks of coral measuring 25-30 across were laid in mortar, the lime of which was obtained from calcination of the coral.” There are a number of ruins of this type: Mosques in Kisimani Mafia and northern part of the Great Mosque of Kilwa etc. In the 14th century, the main trading centre of Kilwa underwent a period of growth and prosperity with increased trade and higher development of its architecture. Using of undressed stone of more or less uniform size which was placed in mortar. This method simplified and facilitated the process of building although the masonry was naturally of lower quality than the 13th century. More carefully worked stone was used only for finishing mihrabs and door and window casings. A remarkable monument of the time is the palace of fortress or palace trading centre of Husuni Kubwa in Kilwa. In the course of the 15th century became a large town; many stone houses were built there which reflected growing wealth. Views of this architecture differ. The views of colonial scholars on outside origins are almost entirely rejected by archaeologists and historians. (a). Freeman-Grenville points to similarity in the ground plan of certificate buildings in Kilwa and that of the ordinary mud-walled houses which suggest the stone buildings were of local African origin. (b). Kirkman and Chittick point that the spur to development was provided by Arabs and Persians while at the same time concluding “Materially and especially architecture, people of the coast evolved a civilisation which is best to refer to as early Swahili. J.EG.Sutton expresses similar view. 6. Ceramic lamps used in the Swahili towns for lighting dark rooms. The rich made use of many luxurious imported items such as pottery from Iran, Egypt and Syria. At Its Height in the 14th and 15th Centuries Wealth came to be concentrated in the hands of a few leading families known as Waungwana or Mamwinyi. These families became very influential and powerful in different towns because of their wealth, family traditions and control of religious affairs. The main basis of their wealth was land ownership and control over labour and trade. But it should be noted that the Swahili coast remained fragmented up to the 1st three decades of the 19th century. Every settlement and town-state produced its consumer goods and commodities such as sorghum, millet, rice, coconuts, fruits, vegetables, iron, salt, ivory, rhino-horns, mangrove poles and tortoise shells. Since each coastal town operated as a separate economic unit and sold its own commodities to visiting foreign traders, it was easy for each of them and their nearby hinterlands to meet their economic needs. Before the Portuguese conquest of the coast at the beginning of the 16th century, only Kilwa was able to get goods from the southern part of Tanzanian interior as well as Mozambique, Malawi and Zimbabwe. The rest got their goods from the nearly hinterlands. Trade and economic prosperity of all coastal towns declined drastically during the period of Portuguese occupation in the 16th and 17th centuries. By the middle of the 18th century, several other towns such as Tanga, Pangani, Sadani, Bagamoyo, Mbwamaji, Kilwa Kivinje, Lindi and Mikindani emerged in response to the gradual development of caravan trade between the coast and the interior. (a) One of the reasons for the recovery of the Swahili coast since the 2nd half of the 18th century was the establishment of sugar cane and coffee plantations by the French in the islands of Mauritius and Reunion. These plantations started importing slaves from the southern interior. (b) Another factor was the discovery of the coast and its commerce by the people of the interior such as the Yao, Nyamwezi, Zigua, Shambaa and the Kamba. These people paved caravan routes connecting their areas with the coast. (c) One more factor was the emergence of Omani commercial activity since the end of the 18th century. As the power and wealth of Oman in the Persian Gulf increased, there was corresponding growth in commercial activity in Zanzibar and the Mrima coast. It was in response to this new and rising demand for the wealth of East Africa, especially ivory and slaves that many dormant towns in the Mrima coast were revived and new ones sprang up. VI. Final discussion: Is it correct to talk about the Swahili civilisation. LECTURE 9: INTEGRATION OF THE TANZANIAN INTERIOR IN THE CAPITALIST SYSTEM Sources: 1. A.B.Itandala, “History of Tanzania to 1890”, pp.84-102. 2. A.J.Salim, “The East African Coast and Hinterland 1800-1845” General History of Africa, Vol. VI, pp.211-133. 3. A.Roberts, “Political Change in the Nineteenth Century” in Kimambo and Temu, A History of Tanzania, pp.56-84. A. Sheriff, Slaves, Spices and Ivory in Zanzibar. E. Alpers, The East African Slave Trade E.Alpers, “The Coast and the Development of Caravan Trade” in Kimambo and Temu, History of Tanzania, pp.35-56. J.M.Gray, History of Zanzibar from Middle Ages to 1856 N.R.Bennett, “The Arab Impact” in B.A.Ogot (ed), Zamani, pp.210-228. I. Introduction We shall trace the rise of the Omani-Zanzibari commercial Empire during the 19th Century . It was a commercial intermediary between the East African Interior and the capitalists World of Western Europe and the United State of America. It acted as a conveyor belt transmitting European and American manufactured goods to the East African interior in exchange for the latter’s raw materials. In the previous lecture we have touched on the rise of Oman and its ruler (Imam) as a new overlord of the East African coast and offshore islands after offering military help to coastal towns to expel the Portuguese from the East African Coast. The Oman ruler appointed Oman Arab governors to represent him in each of the important towns and islands. But internal political conflicts within Oman prevented him from consolidating his political power in East Africa. When Yarubi ruling family was overthrown by Busaidi ruling family or dynasty in 1741, many of the Omani governors in East Africa refused to accept or acknowledge the new ruler and declared themselves independent. Zanzibar Island was one of the few places that accepted the change of dynasty. Mombasa was an example of those who were rebellious. It was only after Seyyid Said came to power in 1806 that Oman started asserting her over lordship over East African coast more effectively. By then, the only places on the coast in which Omani ruler had great influence were Kilwa Kisiwani and Mafia. Seyyid Said came to power in Oman with the help of the British East India Company which was then based in Bombay. Unlike other earlier rulers of Oman who were known as imams because they were also regarded as religious leaders of their community, he (like his father before him) used non religious title of Sultan and Seyyid because he had seized power instead of being traditionally elected by different sections of Omani community. Establishment of the Omani Zanzibar Sultanate, 1810-1840 The role of the British East India Company Having helped him to consolidate his political control in Oman, the East India Company urged Seyyid Said to assert his country’s claim of over lordship of the East African coast. It did so because it feared that the French, who were since the 1770s buying slaves form Kilwa and Zanzibar for their sugar-cane and coffee plantations in Mauritius and Reunion and for export to West Indies, might take over the region as a colony. This would endanger British commercial interests in Western Indian Ocean. By supporting Omani claim of over lordship over the region, he British East India Company hoped that Seyyid Said would protect its interests not only in the Persian Gulf but also in East Africa. This means that the Arabs of Oman, under the leadership of Seyyid Said, were not acting entirely on their own when they claimed their right to rule the East African coast. They were partly acting as agents of European capitalism which was at that time looking for secure markets for its manufactured goods and secure sources of raw materials for its factories. The Process of Occupation With the help of the East India Company, Seyyid Said was able to establish his political control in all important towns and offshore islands on the East African coast between 1810 and 1840. (a) The first towns to be taken over, were those of Kenya coast mainly Lamu (1813) and Pate (1822). (b) In 1823, his forces occupied Pemba and in 1825 took control of Wasin, Vumba, Tanga, Mtang’ata and Pangani. This means his forces brought under control all major towns in the northern Swahili coast except Mombasa. (c). Seyyid Said’s influence was extending along the Mrima and Mwera caosts during this time (1810-1825). He was already represented by loyal governors in Zanzibar, Kilwa Kisiwani, Mafia, Kilwa Kivinje and Lindi. It was easier for him to control towns in the Mrima (the coast from the Umber River to Rufiji River) and Mwera (the coast from the Rufiji to Ruvuma River) coasts because they had already established close commercial connections with Zanzibar, where his influence and support were greatest on the East African coast. The main problem which Seyyid Said faced was the opposition of the Marzrui rulers in Mombasa. Not only were they determined to retain their independence and to exercise control all over Kenyan coast, but also they also wanted to maintain their control over Pemba which was their main source of food. Seyyid Said made several attempts to capture Mombasa, but not until 1837 that his troops eventually succeeded to capture it. After the capture of Mombasa Seyyid Said became the undisputed master of the East African coast and the offshore islands. In order to make his control effectively, he moved the headquarters of his government from Muscat in Oman to Zanzibar town in Zanzibar in 1840. He decided to locate his new capital in Zanzibar island for several reasons: (a) Island’s great fertility which promised the development of a successful agricultural economy. (b) Its good insular climate and its excellent harbor. (c) Its strategic position directly opposite the Mrima coast in mainland Tanzania for which it had already become the main outlet of its iveory and slaves. (d) Good revenue which the Sultan had started getting from ivory and slave trade of Kilwa and other towns in the southern Swahili coast through Zanzibar before the transfer of the capital. 5. From 1840 till his death in 1856, Seyyid Said was the ruler of an Omani-Zanzibar Sultanate which extended from Oman in the Persian gulf to cape Delgado on the East African coast. This state became divided into two separate independent states after Seyyid Said’s death in 1856. The Persian gulf part became known as the Omani Sultanate and the East African part as the Zanzibar Sultanate. Politically, the Zanzibar Sultanate was confined to the coastal strip and the offshore islands. Its influence in the interior was only commercial. Establishment of the Zanzibar Commercial Empire From previous lectures, it should be clear that Tanzania did not operate as one economic unit until prior to the establishment of the Omani Zanzibar Sultanate. The coastal towns, each had market oriented economy of its own and the interior had a number of separate regional subsistence-oriented economies. After the establishment of the Omain Zanzibar Sultanate, however, the whole of Tanzania, and East Africa in general started operating as one economic unit. At the coast, for example, instead of each port-town exporting and importing its own goods independently, most exports and imports to the area went and came through Zanzibar. We have already mentioned factors which contributed to revival of economic prosperity on the Tanzanian coast in the late 18th century (previous lecture). French slave buying in Kilwa and the involvement of the Yao. This led to rapid development and economic prosperity at Kilwa Kisiwani and Zanzibar in the late 18th century and the rise of Kilwa Kivinje and other towns at the beginning of the 19th century. The arrival of other European and American traders in the region increased economic prosperity in all important trading towns at the beginning of the 19th century. The Omani governor in Zanzibar however, monopolized the trade with Europeans and Americans and prohibited them from dealing directly with the coast on the mainland. In fact, it was because of their desire to make Zanzibar their main trading base on the Swahili coast that the Omanis had captured Kilwa Kisiwani and placed a governor there in 1785. Having gained control of Kilwa and directed its trade to Zanzibar, they were able to do the same with the trade of other towns (previously the other towns were connected with Mombasa). This means that Mombasa was commercially overtaken by Zanzibar by the beginning of the 19th century. The creation of Omani-Zanzibari Sultanate by Seyyid Said created favourable conditions to the expansion of commerce and economic prosperity. Signing of commercial treaties or agreements with representatives of American, British, French and German governments in 1830s and 1840s. This was in order to get secure markets for the main products of the region such as ivory and cloves. He encouraged Omani Arabs to move to Zanzibar and establish clove and coconut plantations even before transferring his capital there. Since these plantations needed a large labour force, which the local Muslim population in Zanzibar and Pemba refused to provide, it became necessary to import slave labour from non-Muslim peoples of the East African mainland. As a result, many Arab and Swahili traders from Zanzibar and the Mrima coast started penetrating the Tanzanian interior and other parts of East Africa in search of slaves for the clove plantations. They were also looking for ivory and other products. Seyyid Said recognized that his people, the Omani Arabs were not skilled in money matters. So he invited Indian merchants to come to Zanzibar in order to facilitate development of trade. Apparently, he was already familiar with the Indian merchants because they had distinguished themselves as skilled business men and had proved their financial management skills in Oman. These Indian merchants played a double role in the Zanzibar Sultanate. Some worked as customs officials of the Sultan in different ports; while the richest among them became money lenders. These money lenders gave loans in the form of trade goods to Arab and Swahili merchants who wanted to lead caravans in the interior of mainland Tanzania and other parts of East Africa. This lending of trade goods enabled many more Arab and Swahili traders in Zanzibar and the Mrima coast towns to lead caravans and penetrate the interior in search of ivory and slaves than ever before. Seyyid Said removed obstacles to trade at all the coastal ports by introducing uniform five percent duty. Before each port had its own rate. Seyyid Said also introduced some Indian money known as pice in order to facilitate the flow of trade at its base in Zanzibar. This new money joined the American dollar and Maria Theresa dollar from Austria which were already in circulation in Zanzibar. As a result of these measures, there was a spectacular expansion in Arab and Swahili economic activity in the Tanzanian interior and other parts of the East African interior between 1830 and 1880s. More and bigger caravans were organised; they followed or used trade routes which had been paved earlier by traders from the interior such as the Nyamwezi and the Yao. The main ones were those running form Bagamoyo and Sadani to Tabora and Ujiji and other parts of the western and northwestern interior. From Kilwa Kivinje , Lindi and Mikindani to Lake Nyasa and other parts of the southern interior. From Tanga and Pangani to Usambara, Pare, Kilimanjaro and Maasailand in northeastern interior. This means that, Tanzania and the rest of East Africa was criss-crossed by many trade routes and had fully been integrated in the capitalist trading system operating from its regional base in Zanzibar during the 19th century. Consequences of Arab-Swahili Commercial Activity The main effect can be summarised as “subordination of the different subsistence economies of the interior to the capitalist system or international trade” This affected Tanzanian societies economically, socially and politically. Economic Effects Many people from different parts of the interior were either employed as porters to carry ivory to the coast or were taken to Zanzibar and Pemba as slaves to produce for the capitalist world. Instead of producing for their subsistence in their home areas, they were made to serve for the capitalist market. Manpower was taken from the traditional economies in the interior. Some areas bordering the coast became suppliers of food to Zanzibar and Pemba in order to feed the labour force in plantations and the ruling and merchants classes in towns. Examples: Usambara exporter of sorghum; Uzigua exporter of millet and rice; many other coastal communities became producers of food for export to Zanzibar and the coastal ports, while areas bordering trading centres and caravan routes in the interior had to supply food to resident coastal traders and to caravans. People around Tabora, for example, found it necessary to produce more food than before in order to feed coastal traders and their large number of porters and slaves residing there. Similarly people living near stopping stations in all routes had to produce more food to meet requirements of these caravans. In order to produce the extra food for export to Zanzibar and for feeding resident coastal traders and passing caravans in the interior, many communities in the interior resorted to using slaves for this purpose. Some had to supply livestock for meat. Replacement of the system of trade in essential or basic goods ( such as iron tools, salt, pots, handicraft, foodstuff and livestock) with trade in luxury goods ( such as cotton cloth, beads, looking glasses, copper wire, alcoholic drinks and guns). The coastal traders were not looking for traditional products of the interior. They were mainly looking for ivory and slaves; items which had no commercial value before the penetration. Establishment of trade centres or towns in the interior. Examples: Mamboya, Puge, Msene, Ujiji all formed in 1840. Tabora was established in about 1852. Many writers have also mentioned introduction of a number of new crops such as maize, cassava, rice and a number of fruit trees like mangoes, oranges, pineapples and guavas in the interior. It is doubtful, however, that maize and cassava which were American crops were introduced in the region by coastal traders. They might have reached it from the Atlantic coast via Congo. Social Effects Conversion of some people to Islam particularly among the Yao in the southern interior, the Digo and Segeju in the nearby hinterland of northern Mrima coast. More modest among the Zigua, Bondei and Makonde. There was also intermarriage between Arabs and local women in the interior which created a small mulatto group. As a result of this intermarriage and conversion of some people to Islam, a small Swahili speaking community came into being in some parts of the interior. This was the beginning of spread of Kiswahili in mainland Tanzania. Introduction of slave trade. This led to diversion of population in most Tanzanian societies into the two groups, namely free people and slaves. As a result, many people took part in slave raiding and trading. Some started even using slave labour. Many families must have been broken in order to provide slaves. Changes on the coast as well. As Africans from different parts of the interior were taken to the coastal towns and the island of Zanzibar and Pemaba as slaves, the population of these towns and islands became bigger and more ethnically mixed than before. Moreover, use of African women as concubines by Arabs produced a relatively large Swahili speaking Afro-Arab group. This mixing had started centuries earlier, but increased very much in this period. Even the Omani ruling family was greatly involved in this racial mixing. Political Effects Change in the basis for political power or authority in all societies which had formed states before 1800. Originally descent and religion: descendants of families which had been instrumental in the formation of these states or had conquered them. In some cases they were descendants of ritual experts or rain makers. After the development of the 19th century trade, economic and military power became the main basis. Examples: Yao territorial merchant rulers or princes. Intensification of competition for succession to kingship between different ruling families in each state. Western Tanzania, the best example is the acquisition of foreign goods like guns by the Batemi and other members of the ruling families intensified struggle. Cases of Fundikira in 1858, Makasiwa in 1860, Nyungu ya Mawe and Mirambo. Breaking up of existing states; the best examples in Western Tanzania include the Ha and Zinza kingdoms. In the Pangani valley where Shambaa kingdom and the various Pare and Kilimajaro states were broken up into smaller entities. The only people who seem to have been positively affected in the Pangani valley were the Zigua. Some Zigua individuals accumulated wealth and guns which enabled them to establish states in Uzigua and neighbouring areas. A good example is Bwana Heri who in 1880s resisted Germans with Abushiri. Another example is Kisabengo who established a state in Uluguru. General Impact of the Arab-Swahili Commercial Activity Some writers have suggested that the Tanzanian interior benefited from the integration into international capitalist trade [Andrew Roberts (1970) and Alfred Unomah (1970). Others argue that it did not benefit at all. The real beneficiaries in this trade were the European and American capitalist companies because they were in a position to determine prices. The second groups of beneficiaries were the Arab merchants and their Indian and Swahili associates who were middlemen. LECTURE 10: THE NGONI INVANSION AND ITS IMPACT Sources: 1. Itandala, “History of Tanzania to 1890”, pp.103-116. 2. A.M.H.Sheriff, “Tanzanian Societies at the Time of Partition” in Kaniki (ed), Tanzania Under Colonial Rule, pp 31-35. 3. J.D.Omer-Cooper, The Zulu Aftermath, pp.24-48 and 68-85. 4. P.H.Gulliver, “A History of Songea Ngoni” Tanganyika Notes and Records, No.41, December, 1955, pp.16-30. 5. I.N.Kimambo, “The East African Coast and Hinterland, 1845-1880”, General History of Africa, Vol VI, pp. 254-258. Introduction: The Ngoni and their Society The Ngoni came from South Africa where they had been part of the Nguni speaking peoples of northern Zululand. Having fled from their homeland in about 1820 to escape the rising power of Shaka, the Ngoni warriors moved northwards under their leader Zwangendaba. For about 15 years they wandered in southern Mozambique and before crossing the Zambezi in 1835 on their march northwards until they reached the Fipa plateau in western Tanzania early in the 1840s. By this time what had started as a group of warriors had become an armed nation of over a hundred thousand people on the march. How was this spectacular growth of Ngoni people accomplished? In order to answer this question we have to go back to the Zulu homeland. Shaka had built up a highly centralised military state organised according to two overlapping principles: one based lineage and the other on military regiments. According to the first principle the king was at the pyramid of authority and below him there were segments of lineages consisting of the king’s wives and their children and dependents. The segments tended to split and multiply at each generation as they grew larger. The youth on the other hand, were organised into age- regiments cutting across territorial and lineage lines and directly controlled by the king. This meant that a foreigner could easily be absorbed as he gradually entered into the dynamic structure of the society through both the lineage and the age-regiment. Shaka also introduced changes in military techniques, the most important being the use of the short stabbing spear which made the age-regiments very efficient fighting unit. Ngoni Migration and Settlement Having inherited this dynamic system the Ngoni were able to build up a well unified people out of the people they encountered on their movement northwards. Their superior military organisation enabled them to survive by raiding other people as they moved. Shaka defeated the Ndwandwe army form which three leaders ( Soshane, Zwangendaba and Nqaba) and their followers moved northwards. Soshane succeeded in establishing the Gaza kingdom in southern Mozambique. Soshane’s success prevented other Ngoni groups from settling in Mozambique. Zwangendaba and his followers after trekking to Zimbabwe then followed the northern route to the Fipa plateau. Nqaba’s group known as Msene Ngoni roamed to Zimababwe and Zambia and was finally dispersed by the Kololo. Another group, Maseko Ngoni under Ngwane crossed the Zambezi in 1839, passed through southern Malawi and moved northwards crossing the Ruvuma River and settled in southern Tanzania. There they established a state under Ngwane’s son, Mputa or Mputo, in what is now Songea District in the 1840s. They were later expelled from there by the Gwnagwara Ngoni ( Zwangendaba’s group). Zwangendaba and his followers on their movements through Zambia and Malawi, avoided having major conflicts with powerful states such as the Bemba and Nkamanga kingdoms. Instead, they frequently raided defenseless groups such as Chewa and Tumbuka clans. Many captives were adopted into the Ngoni community. They continued with northwards march until they reached Mapupo in Ufipa in the early 1840s. They were attracted by the fine long-horned red cattle found there which were similar to those they used to have in the northern Natal. By then their size had been greatly increased by fresh recruits from many communities which they had fought against or raided for cattle during their long journey. Ngoni Expansion in Tanzania and Neighbouring Areas The Ngoni remained in the Fipa plateau until Zwangedaba died in 1845. After his death, the Ngoni community felt the great loss of their leader and this led to the problem of succession. His two sons) Mpezeni and Mombera or Mbwela) were still too young to succeed him. His juniour brother, Ntabeni took over and declared his preference for Mpezeni as Zwangendaba’s successor. But Ntabeni too died soon afterwards. Zwangendaba’s cousin, Mgayi became acting leader and declared support for Mombera. As a result of these differences on succession, the Ngoni community split into five groups. Two of these groups remained in Tanzania and the rest settled in Malawi and Zambia. These groups were the Tuta, Gwangwara, Mpezeni, Mombera and Ciwere. A short discussion of each group follows here. The Tuta Ngoni After Ntabeni’s death, his followers broke away from the main Ngoni community because they feared persecution for their leaders’ support of Mpezeni as successor of Zwangendaba. They escaped northwards and became known as Tuta. Led by his two sons, Mtambalika and Mtambara, they established their camp at the northern end of the Rukwa valley. From this base they raided eastern Holoholo on the eastern shores of Lake Tanganyika. The Holoholo eventually adopted the war tactics of the Ngoni and fought on equal terms with the Tuta, whom they defeated. After this defeat by the Holoholo the Tuta turned to the Nyamwezi and neighbours whom they started harassing in 1850s. In so doing, they sometimes upset the trade route between Tabora and Ujiji. They captured many Nyamwezi and other people whom they incorporated in their group. Finally the Tuta settled in Runzewe in western part of Kahama District. From there they carried out frequent raids as far as the southern shores of Lake Victoria in the 1870s and 1880s until they were defeated by the Germans in 1890. After that, they were gradually assimilated by the Sumbwa and Nyamwezi. The Gwangwara Ngoni This was the second group to break away. It was led from Ufipa by Zulu-Gama and travelled southwards to a place called Mlangala in what is now Songea District. Zulu-Gama died in about 1858. Mbonani became the new leader of the group. At Mlagala, the Gwangwara came into contact with the Maseko Ngoni who had established a kingdom there in the 1840s under the leadership of Mputa or Maputo Maseko. The Maseko were much stronger than the Gwangwara. Maputo was accepted as ruler of both groups for some time. But when he tried to strengthen his political position by killing Mbonani and other Gwangwara leaders but the Gwangwara revenged and killed him. After the death of both leaders, the Gwangwara staged a surprise attack and drove away the Maseko Ngoni from Songea. The defeated Maseko fled southwards across the Ruvuma in 1862 and eventually settled in southern Malawi. When the Maeko Ngoni fled in 1862, they left behind many of their newly recruited members. Most of these people had been recruited from the Ndendeuli ethnic group. Because they had become part of the Maseko Ngoni community, the Gwangwara contuned attacking them after departure of the main group. To escape these attacks, most of them fled to the Kilombero valley where they settled and became known as Mbunga. After the departure of the Mbunga from Songea, the kingdom which had been established there by the Maseko Ngoni came to an end. Having destroyed the Maseko Ngoni kingdom, the Gwangwara became the dominant community in Songea. But old disagreements between Mbonani’s and Zulu-Gama’s followers re-appeared and led to separation between them. The Mbonani group established its own kingdom known as Mshope in northern Songea under the leadership of Chipeta. The Zulu Gama group established a kingdom of their own known as Njelu further south with Hawagi as the first ruler. The Mpezeni, Mombera and Ciwere Ngoni The groups led by Mpezeni and Mombera left Ufipa soon after their separation from the Gwangwara. Mpezeni and his followers travelled southwards into the Bemba country in northern Zambia. After failing to conquer the Bemba, they continued southwards and re-entered Nsenga country in southern Zambia where they finally settled and founded a kingdom. Mombasa and his followers marched southwards and entered Tumbuka country in northern Malawi. They established a kingdom of their own after conquering the Nkamanga kingdom of Tumbuka. Ciwere Ndhlovu and his warriors decided to settle in the highlands of modern Dowa District because they found good grazing land there. As a result, Ciwere and his followers established a Ngoni kingdom in this part of Malawi. Ngoni Impact on Tanzanian Societies General Creation of the Ngoni ethnic group consisting of people from several indigenous groups and a small Nguni speaking core group. The Ngoni invansion led to introduction of Ngoni military techniques which were adopted by various Tanzanian communities in self defence against the Ngoni themselves or to enabe political reorganization and empire buiding in the case of Sangu, Mirambo or Nyungu ya Mawe. The Ngoni invasion weakened and disrupted many communities in western and southern Tanzania. As a result, it made it easier for coastal slave traders to get captives during the 2nd half of the 19th century. The following is a brief discussion of this impact in the regions concerned. Western Tanzania We have already seen how the Tuta broke away and carried their raids up to Lake Victoria. The Tuta harassment touched the Nyamwezi, Kimbu, Konongo, Bende, Tongwa, Vinza, Ha and Sumbwa. We have seen how they disrupted caravan route. Their raids disrupted normal life in western Tanzania. In this way they made it easier for Mirambo and Nyungu ya Mawe to buld their empires and for coastal slave traders to get their captives. Moreover, because they lived by plunder, the Tuta provided an example or model to be imitated by rulers and robbers alike. Mirambo was one of the people who learnt Ngoni fighting method when he was captured by the Tuta. After escaping from them, he established a Ngoni- type of army made up of displaced young people and war captives from different areas of western Tanzania who came to be known as Balugaluga or Ruga-ruga. Southern Tanzania We have seen how the Gwangwara clashed with the Maseko Ngoni and the Mbuga. Then the Gwangwara became the most dominant ethnic group in southern Tanzania. From their two kingdoms, Mshope and Njelu, they terrorized a wide area lying between Lake Nyasa and Indian Ocean in southern and southeastern Tanzania between 1860s and 1880s. They are said to have met very little or no resistance from many of the small segmentary communities of the region. Many areas of this region were almost depopulated by their warriors as they seized captives both for their armies and for sale to the Arab and Swahili traders of Kilwa. Only the same time brigands called Mafiti or Maviti, who learnt Ngoni military methos and acquired guns, started raiding many parts of southern Tanzania with the intention of capturing people for sale to coastal traders as slaves. Ngoni-inspired States of Usangu and Uhehe Among communities which successfully adjusted to the Ngoni invasion were the Snagu and the Hehe. The Sangu were living in the area bordering Ufipa, they retreated eastwards into western Uhehe. But when the Ngoni left Ufipa, they returned to their former areas and began to organise themselves on Ngoni military lines. Moreover, one of their leaders Mwahavangu, united all Sangu political units into one kingdom. His grandson, Merere succeeded him in 1860 and dominated most of southern highlands for sometime from his capital in Utengule. After the 1870s, the Sangu were overshadowed by the Hehe who also were origainally organised on sedimentary clan lines. During the 1860s, their different political units united to form one kingdom under one of their leaders knowen as Munyiguma. Many people accepted Munyigumba’s authority because he was unable to protect them from the harassment of the Ngoni attacks. Just as the Sangu had adopted Ngoni military techniques, so did the Hehe learnt these techniques form the Sangu. By 1877, the Hehe had taken over some of the Sangu territory. As the Hehe expanded, they came into conflict with the Gwangwara Ngoni of Songea. They fought two major wars (1878 and 1881), in which none of them won. As a result an agreement was reached by king Chabiruma of Mshope and Mkwawa, the new Hehe leaders not to fight again. Together with the Gwangwara Ngoni, the Hehe remained the most powerful states in southern Tanzania until imposition of German rule. LECTURE 11: EUROPEAN ACTIVITY IN TANZANIA TO 1890 Sources: 1. Itandala, “History of Tanzania to 1890”, pp.117-132. 2. R.Oliver, The Missionary Factor in East Africa. 3. J.Gray, History of Zanzibar, pp.174-223. 4. I.N.Kimambo, “The East African Coast and Hinterland 1845-1880, Vol.VI, General History of Africa, pp.262-269. Introduction Apart from Zanzibar and the coastal caravan trade and the coming of the Ngoni, the third major external factor which affected Tanzania greatly up to about 1890 was the expansion of European activity. The earliest European to visit the Tanzanian coast and other parts of East Africa were the Romans and the Greeks who, as we have already noted, came as sailors and traders at the beginning of the Christian period. These early European visitors seem to have made very little impact in the region because they were simply coming to sell and buy goods and not to settle or colonise. Modern European interest in Tanzania and other parts of East Africa dates back to the discovery of the cape sea-route to the sources of spices in India and other parts of Southeast Asia in 1498. Shortly after this discovery, the Portuguese seized the whole of East African coast and controlled it politically and economically until their expulsion by the Arabs of Oman at the end of the 17th century. The Portuguese were soon followed by other European nations, namely the English, French and Dutch, who also came to trade in the Indian Ocean region. All these European nations were enabled by the rise of merchant capitalism to expand overseas. But some of these European nations attempted to establish trading posts ir centres on the East African coast or to penetrate the interior before the 19th century. This was the case because they were mainly interested in doing business with India and Indonesian islands. Moreover, very little was known about the East African interior before the middle of the 19th century. European Activity in the Nineteenth Century Increased European activity in Tanzania started when the French from their base in the islands of Mauritius and Reunion made proposals to annex the whole East African coast in the 1770s. They did not carry out the plan for different reasons. Instead they started buying slaves at Kilwa and Zanzibar in the 1770s for export to the West Indies and for their sugar cane and coffee plantations in Mauritius and Reunion. These French traders were joined by British and American traders who established branches of their commercial companies in Zanzibar since the 1830s. Thus means that the first group of Europeans to become directly involved in Tanzania and the rest of East Africa were traders. Direct European involvement in Tanzania and other East African countries was a result of social, economic and political changes which occurred in Europe since the 18th century. These changes were caused by the Industrial Revolution. The Industrial Revolution refers to the rapid changes in the tools of production of goods which were brought about by mechanical inventions. It started in Britain in the 18th century and spread to other European countries and the United States of America in the 19th century. This revolution led to improvement in the tools and methods of production which made slave labour less profitable and therefore produced new attitudes towards the slave trade. In fact, the success of industrialisation was the main factor which persuaded European countries to abolish the Atlantic slave trade at the beginning of the 19th century. These changes awakened the interests and desires of traders, missionaries and travelers or explorers to carry out their activities outside Europe. We shall now discuss the impact of their activities in Tanzania in the 19th century one after another. European Traders After the Portuguese and French, it was the British traders who became involved in the East African coast. Shortly after becoming directly involved in the region at the beginning the 19th century efforts were made by the British navy to explore its coast and offshore islands. Between 1809 and 1824, for example, four surveys of the region were made by officials of the British navy: one by Lt. Tomkinson in 1809, two by Captain Philip Beaver and Captain Thomas Smee in 1811, and the fourth by Captain W.F.Owen in 1824-1826. This new interest by the British in East Africa was an extension of their Indian policy. East Africa was, at the time regarded as an outpost of India and was therefore treated according to the wishes of the East India Company. Commercial interests of the East India Company in East Africa were till then represented by Indian traders. Some of these Indian traders had settled there permanently, while others were going there to trade seasonally. They were buying ivory and other goods in Zanzibar and the mainland coast which they then sold to the East Indian Company in India. Early in the 1830, however, another British company known as Newman Hunt and Christopher started trading directly with Zanzibar and established depot there. At this point the competition between the British traders and those of other nations increased very much. The Americans, for example, who had started trading with Zanzibar in the 1820s, overshadowed the British and French commercially by the 1830s. In order to make it easier for the traders to do business in the region, the American government signed s commercial treaty with the Sultan of Oman in 1833 and established a consulate or trade mission in Zanzibar in 1837. The Sultan of Oman on his part signed this treaty with the Americans in order to get a guaranteed market for East African products. Fearing the development of an even greater American share in the trade of the region as a result of the 1833 treaty, the British Government signed a treaty of its own with sultan Seyyid Said in 1839. It also appointed a commercial representative or consul to his capital in Zanzibar in 1841. Similarly, the French signed a treaty with him in 1844 and appointed consul to Zanzibar in the same year. Thus, these nations stimulated each other into greater commercial relations with Zanzibar in the first half of the 19th century. The competition between them became even greater when more European companies or firms such as the British firm Henderson and Co. and the German firms W.M.O’Swald and Co.and Messers A.J. Herz and Sons established branches in Zanzibar in the 1840s. In doing so they provided wider market for East African products. As trade between East Africa and western capitalist countries in the second half of the 19th century, many more European and American firms as well as individual traders took part in it. One outstanding example of this group of traders was the British ship owner, William Mackinnon. He began to run his shipping line known as British India Steam Navigation Company between Britain and Zanzibar in 1872. All these European and American commercial companies bought their goods from Africans and Arabs in Zanzibar partly because they preferred to do so there and partly because the Sultan and his Arab and Swahili subjects did not want them to go to the source of goods on the mainland. A few individual European traders attempted to penetrate the mainland interior only after European travelers and missionaries had done so in the 1860s and 1870s. Many of them however, failed to establish themselves successfully. A French trader named Legere for example was driven away from Unyanyembe, and one unidentified German trader was killed in 1886. Only one European trader is known to have established himself successfully on the mainland. This was Charles Stokes, who allied with the Nyamwezi of Busongo and kept away from trading centres dominated by Arab-Swahili traders. Strangely enough, as trade in ordinary commodities or “legitimate trade” as it was often referred to, expanded in Zanzibar and the rest of East Africa in the 19th century, so did the slave trade or “illegitimate trade”. Before any treaties restricting it were signed between the British government and the Sultan of Zanzibar in the early 19th century about 10,000 to 15,000 slaves were exported a year from the East African mainland. The British Government signed a series of treaties with the Sultan Seyyid Said and his successors between 1822 and 1876. By the 1860s, when the British ships were patrolling the sea along the East African coast to prevent slaves form being exported from the region had risen to about 20,000 a year. Even after 1873, when all shipment of slaves by sea was made illegal, slave raiding and trading within the region is said to have reached new high levels. Apparently the slave trade was so important to the Zanzibar economy as a source of labour and revenue that none of the treaties to restrict or abolish it were implemented fully by the Sultan and his government. European Travellers Very little was known about mainland Tanzania and the rest of East African interior before it was penetrated by European travelers and missionaries in the 2nd half of the 19th century. Until about 1850, European knowledge of East Africa was still limited to what the traders could obtain from Roman, Greek, Arab and Portuguese sources and from recent sources such as reports of British navy, European trade missions based in Zanzibar and Church Missionary Society (C.M.S) stations at Rabai, near Mombasa. The first missionaries in East Africa were Germans working for the British C.M.S. They were J. L. Krapf, J. Rebman and J. Erhardt who established a mission station at Rabai in 1844. While at Rabai, these missionaries visited some parts of the interior and gathered a lot of information about the region. That is why they are partly regarded as having been the first European explores in the region. Rebman, for example, travelled to Kilimanjaro and saw the snow-capped mountain there in 1848. His colleague, Krapf, saw Mount Kenya in 1849 when he visited Tana river headwaters area. At the same time both of them obtained information about existence of a big inland lake variously known as Unyamwezi, Ukerewe, Ujiji or Nianja. Their colleague drew a sketch map in 1850 showing what he thought was the location of this inland lake. Both the map and the information about existence of snow-capped mountain on the Equator caused a lively debate among European geographers. In 1856, the Royal Geographical Society sent Richard Burton and John Speke to find out whether indeed there were snow-capped mountains and a big inland lake or not. They were also asked to look for the source of the Nile River in the Lakes of East Africa. When they arrived they stayed in Zanzibar for some time and explored the northern Mrima coast. Then they travelled from Bagamoyo to Ujiji via Tabora in 1857 and Speke visited Lake Victoria, near Mwanza in 1858. They confirmed existence of snow-capped mountains and at least two big inland lakes in the region. Lake Nyasa was visited by a German traveler named A.Roscher and David Livingstone in 1859. What remained to be discovered was the source of Nile. After the initial penetration by Burton and Speke, the mainland Tanzania was visited by many European travelers for different reasons from the 1860s to 1880s. The best known: John Speke and James Grant (1860) to find whether Lake Victoria was the source of the Nile; David Livingstone explored Lakes Nyasa and Tanganyika between 1866 and 1873; Charles New climbed mount Kilimanjaro to its snow line in 1871; Henry M. Stanley explored northern part of Lake Tanganyika and western Tanzania with Livingstone in 1871 and then sailed around Lakes Victoria and Tanganyika in 1875 and 1877; J.F. Elton explored southern highlands in order to find out nature of slave raiding in 1877; and Joseph Thompson who surveyed the region between Dar es Salaam and Lake Nyasa from 1878 to 1880 for construction of a road by the Sultan of Zanzibar and William Mackinon and also surveyed the northern interior in 1883 for the purpose of opening up short route from the coast to Lake Victoria and Maasailand. European Missionaries The penetration of the interior of mainland Tanzania and other parts of East Africa by European travellers went hand in hand with occupation of the region by Christian Missionaries. In fact, some of the best known European explores of the region such as John Krapf, Rebman, Livingstone and Charles New were missionaries. Missionary activity in East Africa started with the establishment of C.M.S station at Rabai in 1884. Following C.M.S example were the Universities Mission to Central Africa (U.M.C.A) and the Holy Ghost Fathers which established stations in Zanzibar in 1860s. The Holy Ghost Fathers established another station in Bagamoyo in 1868. Up to mid 1870s, these missionary bodies confined their work to converting ex-freed slaves or freed slaves in Zanzibar and the coast. Most of these freed slaves were given to the missionaries by British patrol ships which had recued them. After acquiring Christian principles and manual skills the freed slaves were usually married and set up what were called Christian villages. This helped to spread Christianity across the near parts of the interior. By 1885, the Holy Ghost Fathers had villages of this kind which extended as far as Morogoro from Bagamoyo. The work of Protestant missionaries in the interior was the result of Stanley’s appeals during his second journey to East Africa. In a letter to the Daily Telegraph news paper of 15th November 1875, he challenged the British churches to send missionaries to Buganda. In response, the C.M.S sent a group of missionaries to Buganda in 1877. Mission stations were also established at Mamboya, Mpwapwa and Busambiro to link up Buganda mission with Zanzibar. Not content to be left behind in missionary work in East Africa, the Catholic White Fathers sent missionaries to mainland Tanzania and Buganda soon after the British C.M.S. The first group went to Tabora in 1878 where they established a station. From there five of them went to Bukumbi near Mwanza which became the second station in 1883. Three members of this gropu remained at Bukumbi while two went to Buganda. Some of the White Fathers missionaries left Tabora and went to Lake Tanganyika where they established stations at Ujiji in 1879 and Karema in 1885. Apart from the C.M.S and the White Fathers, other missionary groups which established stations in mainland Tanzania in 1870s and 1880s were the London Missionary Society (L.M.S) at Urambo and Ujiji and U.M.C.A at Magila, near Muheza, and Masasi. This show but steady occupation of Tanzania by missionaries was very important because they were the first group of Europeans to reside in the interior on long term basis. They had to learn the people’s language and customs. They were therefore in a position to know more about East African conditions than European explorers. They provided the first direct permanent link between East Africa and Europe. Although they regarded African as fellow human beings who should be made Christians, they had some misconceptions about them. They regarded Africans as barbaric or wild people and sinners who had to be converted to Christianity. They despised then and their culture. They regarded Africans as inferior to Europeans. They wanted to “civilise” them. They regarded themselves as humanitarians who were to save the Africans from the evil deeds of the Arab traders. Significance of European Activities We have seen how Industrial Revolution changed Europe. It was actually the development of industrial capitalism which enabled Europeans to come to Tanzania and other East African countries. Their coming meant the extension of European interests to African interior. These interests included the introduction of commerce, Christianity and the so-called civilisation. These interests were supported by traders, travelers and missionaries because they were the most important parts of European culture. The traders, travelers and missionaries saw themselves as bearers of European civilisation in Africa. This is clearly shown in their reports, books and speeches. They directly or indirectly campaigned for the colonisation of Tanzania and other parts of East Africa. Travellers such as Speke, Stanely and V.L.Cameron for example, campaigned openly for British annexation. Their speeches and writings often contained exaggerated reports of riches to be gained and the human history to be removed. Unlike travelers, who supported colonisation mainly for economic and political reasons, the missionaries campaigned for European intervention mainly on humanitarian and religious grounds. These included the suppression of slave trade, the stoppage of local wars and the spread of Christianity and “legitimate” commerce. In order to achieve them, their experience had shown that they needed a European administration. It is evident, therefore, that the partition of East Africa into European colonies between 1885 and 1890 was a logical outcome of the efforts made earlier by traders, explorers and missionaries to “open up” the African continent for commerce, Christianity and European control. LECTURE 12: IMPERIALISM AND COLONIALISM Sources: 1. W.L.Langer, The Diplomacy of Imperialism, Chapter 3. 2. J.A.Hobson, Imperialism, A Study. 3. V.I.Lenin, Imperialism the Highest Stage of Capitalism. 4. D.W.Nabudere, The Political Economy of Imperialism, Chapter 12 5. M.D. Brown, Economics of Imperialism, Chapters 1-3. 6. I.T.Mwanzi, “African Initiatives and Resistance in East Africa”, General History of Africa, Vol VII, pp.152-153. 7. G.N.Uzoigwe, “European Conquest and Partition in East Africa: An Overview”, General History of Africa, Vol.VII, pp. 19-44. Introduction In the previous lecture, we have seen how European activity in this region increased in the 19th century. We related this increased activity to the changes in western economies introduced by the Industrial Revolution. Thus, traders, travelers and missionaries were consciously or unconsciously opening way for the imperialist and colonialist invasion. What is Imperialism? Bourgeois View Bourgeois opinion tends to view all kinds of expansion as imperialism. In such a view, imperialism will be seen as very old phenomenon: it applied to the Greeks and the Romans and it has applied to European countries at different times. Even the most recent opinion you have on your readings, I.T.Mwanzi talks about “Buganda sub-Imperialism.” In order to distinguish earlier trends of expansionism from what happened in the late 19th century, bourgeois writers talk about “New Imperialism”. This is what is stressed by G.N.Uzoigwe in his chapter European Partition and Conquest in Africa”. This means that, even though Bourgeois view tends to generalize the phenomenon they call imperialism, they never recognize that something new happened towards the end of the 19th century. Marxist View Iam assuming that both the literature and view in this school are known to you since the first year. Here in order to have a clear picture we are only giving the main outline to refresh our memories. Imperialism is a phenomenon which applies specifically to what happened near the end of the 19th century. What happened before was “expansionism”. The phenomenon is specifically related to what happened to the development of capitalism in Western Europe. Thus one can understand this phenomenon by relating it to the development of capitalism. In this regard, it is necessary to realise that capitalism has developed through three stage: Merchant Capital or Primitive Accumulation It was characterised by European adventurism and expansionism to other continents in search of wealth especially bullion. In East Africa we have seen how the Portuguese followed by the Dutch and English have played part in the trading system of the Indian Ocean. We have also seen how Europeans used the Persians and later the Omani groups in their struggles to control the system. Competitive Capitalism As European countries came to industrialise competitive capitalist ideas dominated the trading system. This was the period of commodity export. Products of European industry were to be marketed freely and raw materials required by industries in Europe were also to be obtained where they were found. Britain being the first to industrialise had a lead in this competitive structure. In East Africa, by the time we come to the 19th century, the Omani Arabs under Seyyid Said started an economic system supported by the British. But by the 1840s the Americans, French and Germans were all competing in the system which drew the huge hinterland into the capitalist trading system. But as we come to the 1870s something new started happening: Europeans started looking for areas to control; they were no longer content to trade opening what had happened. Monopoly Capitalism Capitalism had been transformed into the monopoly phase because of crisis created by industrial expansion. This was characterised by: Concentration and centralization of capital, Rise of finance capital needing places for investment and Division of the world among the monopolies. Penetration Under Imperialism Despite economic connections between Europe and Africa since the 15th century, creation of colonial economies in Africa came towards the end of the 19th century when, after military conquest, forces of imperialism proceeded to create production relations suitable for capitalist exploitation. Whether the conquering power was British, French, German, Portuguese, Spanish or Belgium they all tried to establish colonial states to supervise the establishment of a capitalist system subordinate to that of the mother countries. Of course, Africans resisted this process throughout the colonial period. What happened to African Economies? Prof. John Iliffe, in his recent book entitled The African Poor argues that the pre-colonial African economies were poor; African peoples had to continuously struggle to make sure that they themselves and their dependants would not fall into a physical want. Yes, but it was because of the low level of technology rather than because of the structure. For, as subsistence structures, African pre-colonial economies were basically self-sufficient. They were in that sense balanced to take care of the subsistence requirements of their societies. Establishment of colonial capitalist economy destroyed the balance without changing either the technology or the method of production, the forces of imperialism required Africans to produce their own food and at the same time produce cash crops for export to metropoles. Some analysis has described the results in terms of two economies created in each colony: one a traditional economy producing for subsistence and two, a modern economy producing for export. In reality, however, these were not two economies. They formed one articulated structure in which the labour of the colonised with its poor technology was utilized to produce raw materials for capitalist industries in the metropole while at the same time having to reproduce itself. In the settler dominated economies of eastern and southern Africa, migrant labour was used to avoid the cost of feeding families. Elsewhere peasant agriculture was used as a means of producing export crops. Summary of the Results The infrastructure created (roads and railway) was intended to connect areas having minerals and potentialities for production of cash crops with sea ports in order to link them to the world commodity markets. There was no invention of opening up regions of countries for internal and external communication. Therefore this led to sharp regional differentiations in economic development in such a way that nation building was made very difficult in independent Africa. In this system, development of food production was neglected. Technical imputs into agriculture such as extension services, fertilizers and credit facilities, all went to cash crops. It is no wonder that Africa emerged into independence with an economy that devoted most of its resources to the production of export of commodities for which there was little domestic demand and depended on outside countries for the support of its basic requirements, including most of its food. The destruction of balance in the subsistence economy was signaled by recurrence of famines, sometimes mass famines. John Iliffe creates an impression in the African Poor that, the return of mass-killing famines in the post-colonial Africa is an indication of that colonial regimes were better prepared to deal with the problem. But the fact that post colonial regimes inherited the situation without having any ability to change it so long as the economies continued to be controlled by metropoles without political responsibility. Above all, there was a deliberate discouragement of industrialisation. Even industries and crafts which existed were almost entirely destroyed as all as African colonies were turned into markets for the consumption of manufactured goods from the metropoles. The little industrialization which took place was applied in the processing of agricultural products for export. Towards the end of the colonial period some import substitution industries were established, but within the general guidelines of the colonial economic system in which manufacturing activities were discouraged. African economies were expected to support those of the metropoles and not to compete with them. It was this externally oriented economy which post-colonial African states inherited and attempted to transform without success. It does not matter the strategies they chose; they all failed to achieve the expected result. LECTURE 13: THE SCRAMBLE FOR AND PARTITION OF EAST AFRICA Sources: 1. G.N.Uzoigwe, “European Partition and Conquest of Africa: An Overview” General History of Africa, Vol.VII, pp.19-44. 2. R.F.Betts (ed). The Scramble for Africa: Causes and Dimensions of Empire. 3. A.B.Itandala, “The Anglo-German Partition of East Africa, 1885-1895”, Tanzania Zamani, Vol.I (January 1992), pp. 1-18 R.Robinson and J.Gallagher, Africa and the Victorians. E.Penrose (ed), European Partition of Africa. Introduction The term “scramble” refers to the sudden rush for control of territories towards the end of the 19th century. Uzoigwe says, “What is most remarkable about our period is the co-ordinated manner, speed and comparative ease from the European point of view, with which the occupation and subjugation of so vast a continent was accomplished.” Why was there a Scramble? Our discussion in the overview lecture on imperialism and colonialism will have partly answered this question. Before the world came to be divided into competing camps after the WWII, capitalist camp and Marxist camp, scholars were basically agreed that imperialism was (or arose from) economic pressure. That is why Lenin derived his argument from Hobson. But after polarization of the world into two camps, scholars in the west regarded the economic explanation as being mainly Marxist and started framing many no economic explanations such as psychological, diplomatic and African dimension theories. Today, however, most scholars agree that the economic explanation is the main one and cannot be subordinated to the other theories. We have expressed the framework of the economic explanation in the previous overview lecture. What triggered off the Scramble? Traditionally, scholars had believed that the British occupation of Egypt in 1882 is what triggered off the scramble. Recent studies (see Uzoigwe) have indicated that actions of three other nations: Belgium, Portugal and France in the period between 1876 and 1880. Belgium convened Geographical Conference in 1876 in Brussels which set up the international African Association and employed H.M.Stanley to explore the Congo in 1879. Portugal sent a flurry of expeditions from 1876 why by 1880 resulted in annexation of what were independent states in Mozambique. The French expansionist mood between 1879 and 1880 was exemplified by the work of Savorgnan de Brazza in the Congo basin and his treaties with chief Makole of Bateke. Thus it was not the British occupation of Egypt in 1882 which triggered off the scramble as argued by Robinson and Gallagher but rather by events of the period between 1876 and 1880 in different parts of Africa. The Berlin Conference The idea of an international conference to settle territorial disputes arising from European activities in the Congo region was first suggested by Portugal out of fear of being pushed out of Africa. This idea was taken up later by Bismark who, after sounding opinions of other powers, was encouraged to bring it about. The Conference was held in Berlin between 15th November 1884 and 26th February 1885. The news that such a conference was going to be held increased the intensification of the scramble. It was not, ostensibly, the initial intention of the Conference to attempt a general participation of Africa. It nevertheless, ended up disposing of territory, passing resolutions pertaining to the free navigation of the Niger, Benue and their affluent; and laying down general rules to be observed in future with regard to occupation of territory on the coast of Africa. Two articles of the Berlin Act were of special importance in the colonisation process: these were Articles 34 and 35. According to Article 34, any European nation which, in the future, took possession of an African coast or declared “protectorate” there, must notify such action to the signatory powers of the Berlin Act in order to have its ratification. This is the so called the doctrine of the spheres of influence. Article 35 stipulated that an occupier of such coastal possessions must also demonstrate that it possessed sufficient “authority” there “to protect existing rights, and as the case may be, freedom of trade and of transit under the conditions agreed upon.” This is the so-called the doctrine of effective occupation that was to make the conquest of Africa such a murderous business. Treaty making 1885 – 1902 Prior to the Berlin Act, a sphere of influence in Africa had been acquired in variety of ways: settlement (South Africa), exploration (Burton and Speke, Grant, Stanley, Barker), commercial posts (West Africa, Zanzibar, and Indian Ocean islands) and missionary settlements. Others were occupation of strategic areas like the Nile valley and treaty making with African leaders. In the German sphere, treaty making had started before the Berlin conference. For example, July 1884 Johnston’s treaties in Kilimanjaro, March 1884 Society for German colonisation had been formed by Karl Peters. In December 1884, Karl Peters treaties in Usagara, Uluguru and Ukami had already been effected. His colleagues Denhardt brothers in Witu (Kenya coast) concluded treaties in the same period. At the time the Berlin Act was closing on 26th February 1885, Bismark granted Royal Charter Karl Peters organisation over territory over which he signed treaties. After the conference, treaty making continued. In the German sphere, treties were of two types. One, continuation of treaties with African leaders and two, treaties with other European powers. African-European Treaties These were of two types: Slave trade and commercial treaties; friction led to European intervention. This applied more to Zanzibar in this region. Political treaties: African rulers either purportedly surrendered sovereignty in lieu of protection or undertook not to enter into treaty obligations with other European nations. It is known that there was a lot of cheating since the Africans could not read and write. The crosses they put over their names may have meant nothing to them. Bilateral European Treaties While the treaties between the Africans and Europeans defined the latter’s sphere of influence, the bilateral treaties, conventions and agreements between Europeans concluded the paper partition practically by the end of the century. The Anglo- German Delimitation Treaty of Nov.1, 1886 The islands of Zanzibar, Pemba, Mafia, Lamu and towns of Kisimayu, Brava, Merca, Mogadishu and Warsheikh were defined as dominions of the Sultan of Zanzibar [British sphere]. Furthermore, the country between Mogadishu and Ruvuma River was divided by a line from the Umba River to Lake Victoria. The northern half of was to be a British sphere while the area to the south was to be German sphere. Germany also acquired the coastline of Witu( Kenya coast). The two powers agreed to maintain the integrity of the Sultan’s dominions and to settle their rival claims in Kilimanjaro area peacefully. Western boundaries were not defined so a source of friction. Anglo-German Treaty of 1890 In 1886, Germany had been the chief beneficiary. In 1890, Britain gained more: Germany recognized Uganda as within the British sphere of influence. This put an end of Anglo-German rivalry and wrangling in the area. German abandoned her claim over the territory of Witu. Germany accepted British Protectorate over Zanzibar and Pemba. Germany got the island of Heligoland in the North Sea. Britain gave up her claim of a strip of land on Lake Tanganyika. The coast of Tanganyika had been given to Germany through payment to the Sultan of Zanzibar. Anglo-Italian Agreement of 1891 Earlier Italy had claimed that by the virtue of the treaty of Ucciati, signed with Ethiopia in 1889, the latter was her protectorate. This was regarded by Britain as a threat to the sources of the Blue Nile. The Agreement of 1891 was an attempt to remove this threat: While Britain recognized Italy’s claim to Ethiopia, The latter was excluded from the main Nile River. Italy further undertook not to interfere with the Atbara, a tributary which would affect the water level of the Nile. LECTURE 14: COLONIAL CONQUEST AND AFRICAN RESISTANCE German Conquest and General Discussion of Resistance I. Introduction. 1. The paper partition f East Africa was followed by military conquest and occupation in conformity with the doctrine of effective occupation 2. Following formal declaration of protectorate over Zanzibar in Nov 1890, Britain used it as a base for the conquest of the rest of her East African empire, 3. German was the main competitor and her formal action in declaring protectorate over her sphere came even before the end of the Berlin Conference. II. German Military Conquest 1. German aggression had begun with Karl Peters supposedly treaty- making ventures in 1884. 2. As we had already seen, the German Chancellor had recognized the treaties and had given imperial charter to Peters organization. 3. Between 1884 and 1887 treaties had been concluded with many ethnic groups Peter reorganised his society in 1887 to German East Africa Company. 4. On the coast German traders faced great competition from local traders who had long experience. The personnel and capital of Peters Company were too small, they worked in a new country whose soil and crops, seasons and rain,, they did not know very well. There was no large ready-made external trade except probably in ivory. But by 1885 the frontiers of goods soft ivory lay further inland and trade was well under Asiatic control. Under such circumstances prospects of extortion, exploitation and maladministration loomed large. 5. Actual German occupation by Peters Co. started in May 1887. In the following year (1888) the Sultan of Zanzibar agreed to cede to the Germans the coastal strip for half a century; but even then change of flags was possible only after arrival of warships to intimidate the people. Soon the Germans were faced with strong resistance of coastal people. The Germans called this “Arab revolt”; a rebellion of slave traders frightened of losing their economic position. This is only partly true; for it was also a popular resistance against foreign domination. 6. In 1889 German Government took over the Company. - The company remained with what was nearly a monopoly of trade - However, Co. personnel were not withdrawn from the administration and old rascals remained and thrived. Peter himself was the case in point 7. Military operations under the German Government to extend effective control and suppress resistance went on for a number of years. 1. The Abushiri rising was suppressed 2. There was confrontation with Mkwawa of the Wahehe from 1891-98 3. There was confrontation in Kilimanjaro, Tabora and all sides of the German territory -By 1898, through alliance which the Germans had been forced to make, the balance of power had been altered to the advantage of those who understood the possibilities opened by European rule. But all along military conquest involved a brutal suppression of African resistance. It was a military occupation over peoples who were not willing to surrender their sovereignty. III. Resistance to Imposition of Colonial Rule: General Discussion This is presented in summary form. Full text can be obtained from T.O. Ranger “African Initiative and Resistance in the Face of Partition and Conquest”, General History of Africa, Vol VII, pp, 45-62. 1. In light of what we know about European imperialism, European conquest and occupation could clearly not be reversed but could be resisted. It was irreversible because Europeans had two advantages in technology: -Weapons - Communication: railway, cable and steamer. -Could be resisted because: -The size of the country - Strength of Africans and their determination to be free. 2. Books have written by colonial historians about “pacification” creating impression that the Africans “thankfully accepted colonial domination”. African resistance was glossed over. 3. Later research had demonstrated three important facts: (a) That African resistance is significant because it proves that Africans did not acquiesce placidly in the European partition and occupation. (b) That this resistance was neither despairing nor irrational, but it was often powered by rational and new ideology. (c) That these resistances were not useless. IV. The Generality of Resistance 1. In 1965 at the 1st Congress of African History held at the University College Dar es Salaam, the Russian Historian, A.B. Davidson called upon African scholars to reject all long-cherished European views on Africans in relation to imposition of colonial rule. Such as “Coming of colonialists was a good fortune; it delivered Africans from fratricidal wars; from tyranny of neighbouring tribes; from epidemics and periods of starvation”. People who did not resist were known as “peace-loving” and those who resisted as “blood thirsty”. Prospectors of colonial rule refused to consider rebellion as a regular phenomenon. They explained it in terms of “primitive and irrational” response, or in terms of agitation of “blood thirsty” minority and rejection of the only correct explanation that “rebellions were just wars for liberation, which was why they were supported by the overwhelming majority of Africans”. Davidson emphasized that in 1965 many rebellions had not yet been studied since then lot of research has been carried out and has proved that Davidson was right to thank that resistance was a regular phenomenon. (a) The old colonial attempts to distinguish natural war-like and peaceful societies are irrelevant. (b) The same with more recent attempt to distinguish between resisters and collaborators. (c) All states had crucial interests or values which they were prepared to defend if necessary by armed resistance. (d) Even non-centralized societies had interests they were ready to defend. “Virtually every sort of African society resisted and there was resistance in virtually every region of European advance”. V. The Ideology of Resistance Colonial scholars stressed that armed resistance was irrational and desperate. -They claimed that it was often a result of “superstition” and that people otherwise content to accept colonial rule had been worked upon by “witch-doctors”. Even may critics of European colonialism sympathetic to African protest, nevertheless also accept that Africans had little in their “traditional” pattern of thought which helped them to come to an effective or practical response to attacks on their way of life. The ideologies of revolt were thought of as “the magic of despair”, bound to fail and incapable of pointing to the future. In such a view the resistance, no matter how heroic, was tragic dead ends. In recent years historians of resistance have challenged this sort of interpretation. They have done this in two ways: By showing that African resistance had its under-laying ideology. By modifying the religious ideologies: 1. Secular ideology: the concept of sovereignty. Ajayi (1968) a product of the 1965 congress. “The continuity of African Institutions under Colonialism” in T.O. Ranger (ed.), Emerging Themes of African History, pp. 189-200. Ajayi argues, “The most fundamental aspect of the European impact was loss of sovereignty…. Once people lose their sovereignty, and they exposed to another culture, they lose at least a little of their self-confidence and self-respect; they lose their right of self-steering, their freedom of choice as to what to change in their own culture or what to copy or reject from other cultures”. A similar point is made by Walter Rodney with greater emphasis (1972: pp.245-6): “The decisiveness of the short period of colonialism… springs mainly from the fact that Africa lost power…. The power to act independently is the guarantee to participate actively and consciously in history. To be colonized is to be removed from history…. Overnight, African political states lost their power, independence and meaning”. The meaning of sovereignty clearly did provide an ideology of resistance. The modification to be sought is to consider whether all African rulers were “guardians of the sovereignty of their people”. 2. The Role of Religion Religious teachings and symbols often bore very directly on the question of sovereignty and legitimacy. Rulers were legitimized through ritual and when a ruler and his people were determined to defend their sovereignty they naturally drew heavily on religious symbols and ideas. It was out of such crises of legitimacy that the great movements which attempted to redefine sovereignty often emerged. The Maji Maji Rising exemplifies this. VI. The Consequence and Relevance of African Resistance Until mid-1960s it was accepted that resistances were dead-ends, leading no-where. Since then it has been argued that resistances looked in all kinds of ways to the future. In so far as resistances were concerned with sovereignty, they can be seen as anticipating recovery of sovereignty and triumph of African nationalism. In so far as they possessed prophetic ideology they can be seen as contributing to new communities of concepts. Some of them resulted in improving the position of the peoples who had revolted. Otherwise threw up an alternative leadership to the officially recognized ones. T.O. Ranger in his articles in the Journal of Africa History (1968) IX, 3, pp.437-53 and IX, 4, pp.631-41. “Connection between ‘primary resistance’ movements and modern mass nationalism in East and Central Africa”. He argued that the resistances were connected with nationalism in three ways: 1. By virtue of having been movements of mass commitments. 2. By means of continuity of atmosphere and symbols which ran through other mass movements in the intermediary period. 3. By reason of the explicit inspiration which nationalists drew from the memory of heroic past. Note challenges to Rangers argument as acknowledged by him in the chapter we have summarized: From the right that there is no clear evidence for the connection. And from the left that “this is an intellectual device to allow the ruling and sometimes selfish minorities of the new states to claim ‘revolutionary legitimacy’ ”. The fact is that nationalists in many African countries have claimed inspiration from the primary resistances. LECTURE 15: RESISTANCE TO THE IMPOSITION OF COLONIAL RULE IN GERMAN EAST AFRICA Sources: For Lectures 14 and 15. 1.T.O. Ranger, “African Initiatives and Resistance in the Face of Partition and Conquest” in A. Adu Boahen (ed.), African Under Colonial Domination, General History of Africa, Vol. VII, pp. 45-62. 2. H.A. Mwanzi, “African Initiatives and Resistance in East Africa, 1880-1914” in GHA, Vol VII, pp. 149-168. 3. John Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, Chapter 6. G.C.Gwassa, “The German Intervention and African Resistance in Tanzania” in I.N. 4.Kimambo and A.J. Temu, A History of Tanzania, pp. 85-122. 5. G.C.K. Gwassa and John Iliffe, Records of Maji Maji Rising. 6. B.Mapunda and G.P. Mpangala, Maji Maji War in Ungoni. I Introduction The pattern of response in Tanganyika was similar to that of Kenya, i.e either use of military force or diplomacy. But in Tanganyika resistance by force of arms was more general and was concentrated in the period between 1891 and 1898. This can be explained by the fact that the Germans wanted economic exploitation immediately (unlike Kenya where initial economic interest was in Uganda). With this intention and with their small forces being in constant fear of resistance irrational actions of fear tended to stimulate greater resistance. A period of comparative peace followed until the big Maji Maji war of 1905-07 seemed to challenge the whole imperial purpose. After failure of this war, and the brutal power used to put it down, colonial rule was firmly established by the time WWI broke out in 1914. II. Resistance In order to gain the picture of it generality, resistance in Tanganyika can be discussed in accordance with the regional pattern: coast, north, west and south. 1. The Coastal Region In this region there were two major resistances: one led by Abushiri and Bwana Heri (it covered the whole coast up to 40 miles inland), secondly, the one based in Kilwa, but not able to spread very far because “it was almost nipped in the bud”. (a) The Abushiri Rising This has already been mentioned as the main cause of German Government taking over from the Company. We can now look at the rising itself in greater detail. Abushiri bin Salim al Harth was born in 1845 of an Arab father and Galla (Oromo) mother. He was a descendant of one of the first Arab settlers on the coast who came to regard themselves as local people. Like many others, he opposed the influence of the Sultan of Zanzibar on the coast and even advocated independence. As a young man, he had organized expeditions into the interior to trade in ivory. From the profits he bought himself a farm in Pangani and panted sugar-cane. He was also engaged in campaign against the Nyamwezi. This enabled him to assemble warriors who were later used against the Germans. Thus having been outlawed in Zanzibar, he had by 1888 established himself around Pangani. Bwana Heri, the second leader of the uprising, was a Zigua who had previously been in the service of the Sultan of Zanzibar. He had become independent of the Sultan after he defeated his troops in 1882. By 1888 he too wielded considerable power around Sadani. The outbreak of the resistance seemed to be spontaneous: Trouble began in August 1888 when the Germans arrived in Pangani to establish their authority there. There the Co. flag could only be hoisted after the arrival of a German warship (Moewe). After it left trouble broke out again; Baluchi troops sent by the Sultan of Zanzibar, under General Mathews to assist the Germans proved of no avail. The Bagamoyo joined against the Germans; the Liwali tried to use his influence and failed; on Sept. 25, 1888 there was fierce fighting; Co. officials were imprisoned but later were rescued and sent to Zanzibar. On 20th Sept. Mlikindani was sacked and von Bulow escaped death by sailing until rescued by Moewe of Kilwa Kivinje. In Kilwa itself, the Co. representatives were given 48 hours to leave, when they did not comply, they were killed and their heads hung on poles outside the German station. By October 1888 the remaining German officials were penned in Dar es Salaam and Bagamoyo. The leaders behind this coastal resistance were Abushiri and Bwana Heri. Describing this as “the Arab revolt” the Germans sent out Hermann von Wissmann to suppress it. Major Von Wissmann recruited on his way the following number for his troops: 600 Nubians, 50 Somalis, 350 Zulus from Mozambique and 20 Turkish police. The British assisted the Germans in naval blockade of the coast. Then the Germans also secured Portuguese cooperation. Between May and Dec. 1889 von Wissmann was engaged in suppressing resistance in the north. Starting from Pangani, he quickly captured towns in the north of Dar es Salaam. Abushiri himself escaped inland. During his last days Abushiri attacked Mpwapwa. One of the two officials, Nelson, was killed; his friend, Griese, escaped to the coast to tell the story. In the end Abushiri was betrayed by Jumbe Magaya of Usagara. He was hanged at Bagamoyo on 15th Dec. 1889. In the south Wissmann moved to Kilwa which he quickly took, then Lindi and Mikindani. By January 1891 Wissmann was convinced that there would no longer be trouble. Meanwhile Bwana Heri of Uzigua had foiled many German offensives against him since Jan. 1889. After bombardment of Sadani on 9 June, 1889 he escaped inland; built a series of forts as one after another was destroyed by the Germans. It is said that Bwana Heri obtained about 600 troops from Mohamed bin Kassim in Tabora and Ujiji. Later Bwana Heri capitulated in March 1894 he tried to rise again but was defeated by the Germans and fled. There is no evidence that he was hanged. It happens that Bwana Heri resisted the Germans in his own right and not necessarily in collusion with Abushiri. Reasons for the revolt: Threat to local magnates, German occupation threatened the existence of their power economically and politically and all coastal peoples participated in the resistance, not necessarily to ensure the prosperity of individuals, but in order to retain independence in the face of foreign intervention. (b) In 1894 Hassan bin Omari Makunganya led attack on Kilwa. In June, two Germans were sent against him; his fort was destroyed and he fled inland where he planned second offensive. German troops were engaged in Uhehe and Kilwa was quite vulnerable. Hassan’s forces were repulsed. October 1895 four Cos. Were sent against him; Hassan escaped but later was captured, Nov. 15, 1895 he was hanged in Kivinje on a mango tree- later used for mass hanging and up to today known as Mwembe-Kinyonga. Other small resistances involved Matumbi (1898), Usagara, Machiga (1890-91); Masitu (1889) defeated, continued to harass DSM and Bagamoyo 1891, 1892 subdued 1893. 2. The North The Germans in Kilimanjaro succumbed to Chagga machinations; but the chiefs failed to gain their aims and eventually they were defeated one after another. Rindi (or Mandara) had suffered from Sina (probably the strongest rule in Kilimanjaro in the 1870s, despite many historians’ belied that Rindi was). When the Germans arrived Rindi welcomed them as he had welcomed Johnston and General Mathews; he was a shrewd diplomat. He had managed to prevent Europeans from reaching Kibosho (Sina’s Chiefdom); he invited CMS from Mombasa; was in correspondence with the British consul in Zanzibar; with Queen Victoria and with Kaiser Wilhelm II. His captain became that of first the Germans and later the British who moved it to the present site on the plains. (a) Rumours circulated that Sina had pulled down their flag as a sign of defying the Germans. -Wissmann quickly decided to punish him. -Feb 1891 Rindi played a host to a German expedition against Kibosho. -500 Nubians and Zulus -1,000 Rindi’s men armed with spear and 400 guns. -11 Feb 1891 they invaded Sina’s fort; for 4 days Sina’s men fought, Sina escaped; He was later induced into treaty with the Germans who guaranteed Sina peace on two conditions: give two districts to Rindi, and release the Chief of Uru. (b) Marealle of Marangu, another great diplomat, took advantage of Rindi’s death in 1892 and succession of a weak son to play a traditional trick on the Germans. He posed as a big man of Kilimanjaro. The death of Bulow was arranged in such a way that Rindi’s successor would be held responsible. A messenger sent to Moshi from Marangu was killed on the Moshi-Kirua border. The killing was attributed to Meli, Rindi’s successor. Von Bulow led an expedition accompanied by Lt. Wolfrum. The expedition was ambushed and Wolfrum and Bulow plus a large number of askaris were killed. Survivors returned to Marangu where Headquarters had moved; they packed and evacuated Kilimanjaro. Later Marealle wrote to the Germans asking them to return and restore peace and order. Von Schele led the second Kilimanjaro expedition against Meli; 800 Sina’s men joined and Meli was defeated. In 1900 Marealle had convinced the Germans that the chiefs of Moshi, Kibosho and his other rivals were plotting against them, precipitated execution of 19 chiefs. (c) Pare intrigues (though too much divided) were of similar model: Wasangi soliciting assistance against the Wambaga; petty warlords presenting themselves as rulers and the Germans giving them flags. (d) In 1896 Johannes attacked the Wameru and people of Arusha because two missionaries were killed there. In 1898 the Wameru and Waarusha attacked the Germans in Moshi and consequently Johannes in 1899 attacked them and built a post in Arusha. The Iraqw were not subdued until 1906. The West Resistance in this area was small and scattered all over the region. (a) The main resistance centre was Tabora. By 1885 Isike had built a good army; levied hongo (duty) from passing caravans. In 1886, Giesecke, a German trader was killed in Unyamwezi because of fraudulent trade transactions. Isike confiscated Giesecke’s property and also forced the White Fathers out of Kipalapala in 1889. (b) Later in 1890, Emin Pasha entered Tabora with two Germans and over 1,000 troops. August 1890 concluded treaty with the Arabs of Tabora: they would be allowed o choose their own Wali if they accepted German suzerainty. Isike was forced to surrender Giesecke’s property and pay indemnity in ivory. (c) In April 1892 Isike’s son intercepted a Gernman column; in retaliation they attacked Isike’s stronghold at Ipuli; they Nyamwezi were defeated. In June 1892 the Germans attacked Isike, but he inflicted heavy casualties on them. A punitive German expedition sent in August was nearly annihilated. Isike ordered all caravan routes in his country closed. There was fierce German-Nyamwezi fighting. On 9-12 Jan. 1893 Isikes fort was destroyed. Many versions say that Isike blew himself up and his family in his gun powder magazine. Shorter in Nyungu-ya-Mawe, however, says Isike did not die in the explosion; was hanged by the Germans. (d) There were many other confrontations in Ugogo, Kilimatinde, Mwanza, Bukoba etc. 4. The South In this region there was the greatest source of active resistance. (a) Machemba, Yao chief, defeated the Germans several times between 1890 and 1899. Eventually when his fort was occupied by the Germans he escaped to Mozambique. (b) The greatest challenge came from the Hehe under Mkwawa. Before he was defeated in 1894, the Germans suffered a defeat in 1891. After the Hehe defeat Mkwawa hid himself and continued to harass the Germans until, when his position became insecure, he committed suicide in 1898. (c) There were many other resistances: Upogoro (1898), Unyakyusa (1899); Wangindo welcomed the Germans against Wangoni, but later came to lead the Maji Maji war. III. The Maji Maji Rising This was the most serious challenge to colonial rule in East Africa during this period. In a way the Maji Maji war was different from previous wars of resistance. It enlarged separate traditional methods into a dynamic movement. Earlier, Mkwawa when he had realized the need to depart from traditional ethnic defence, had invited Isike and Chabruma but to no avail. But now colonial rule had been in practice for a while and the meaning of lost sovereignty was clear. Religious ideas were used to overcome the ethnic barriers. 2. Forced labour, taxation, harassment and harsh conditions of work all combined to cause the Maji Maji uprising. However, the immediate cause was the introduction of a communal cotton scheme; people were required to work on this scheme for 28 days in a year; but the proceeds did not go to the workers. They were paid such low sums that some of them refused to take them. This African response was not against cotton as such; it was a reaction against this scheme which exploited their labour and threatened their own economy- they had to leave their own farms to work on the communal projects. 3. To unite the people of Tanganyika in their challenge to the Germans, the leader of the movement, the prophet Kinjikitile Ngwale made use of the religious beliefs (ideas) familiar in the southern region. He taught them that the unity and freedom of all Africans was fundamental principle; they were to unite and fight the Germans in a war which had been ordained by God, and they would be assisted by their ancestors who would return to life. To understand and give concrete expression to the unity of the African people, Kinjikitile Ngwale built a large shrine which he called “House of God” and prepared medicinal water (Maji), which he said, would make his followers who drank it immune to European bullets. 4. The movement which lasted from July 1905 to August 1907 spread over an area of 10,000 sq. miles of the southern third of Tanganyika. The first victims of the war were the founder and his assistants who were hanged on August 4, 1905. His brother picked up his mantle and assumed the title of “Nyangumi”, one of the three divinities in the area, and continued to administer “maji”. But the “maji” was ineffective; bullets did not turn into water, the ancestors did not return as promised, and the movement was brutally suppressed by the Germans. The Maji Maji uprising was the first large scale movement in East Africa. According to John Iliffe it was “the final attempt by Tanganyika’s old societies to destroy colonial order by force”. It was truly a mass movement of peasants against colonial exploitation. It took a lot of effort on the part of the German colonial regime to suppress it; but at the same time the Germans were also forced to abandon communal cotton scheme. There were also reforms in the colonial structure, especially with regard to recruitment and use of labour which were designed to make colonialism more acceptable to Africans. LECTURE 16: COLONIAL ECONOMY IN GERMAN EST AFRICA Sources: 1. J. Iliffe, Tanganyika Under German Rule 2. J. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, Chapters 5 and 9. 3. M,H.Y. Kaniki (ed.) Tanzania Under Colonial Rule, Chapters 3, 4 and 5. I Introduction 1. In Lecture 12, as an overview of the colonial period, we saw that Tanganyika colonial economy was based on both settler and peasant production since the beginning. 2. The Germans had inherited the 19th C. orientation with Arab/Swahili traders leaning towards Zanzibar. They therefore wanted to change the situation immediately to reorient economic activity towards Germany- we have seen their conflict with the Arabs. 3. Of necessity trade remained on commodities naturally collected as extension and expansion of 19th C. trends; Ivory still dominated, forest products added wild rubber, beeswax etc., products came from livestock: hides and skins. Imports continued but extended as tastes expanded. Missions played a vital role. 4. The idea of transforming agriculture quickly to meet industrial demands under direct colonial state supervision dwindled after Maji Maji. The quickest hope was on European settler activities; meanwhile the biggest problem was transport. II. Transport Infrastructure Railway construction was the main drive during the German period as road construction for motor vehicles became main concern during the British period. In 1891 the German East Africa Co. undertook to build a line inland from Tanga through a projected plantation area around Usambara to Kilimanjaro and possibly to L.Victoria. The Tanga line was built slowly, inefficiently and with much forced labour. By 1899 only 40 km had been completed. The Government then took over; but not until 1905 did the line reach Mombo, 129 Km inland. The stimulus for railway building came rather from the British side. The Uganda railway had reached L. Victoria in 1901 and quickly transformed a hinterland included the German lake posts. Between 1903 and 1906 Mwanza’s export rose from £ 3,559 to £ 97,898. Mwanza attracted long-distance trade from the central caravan route. The Germans were losing their hinterland. Thus railway transport policy was transformed: decision (i) To build central railway along the caravan route from Dar es Salaam to Kigoma. -1905 DSM- 1907 Morogoro. -By 1914 had reached Kigoma. (ii) To aid European settlers by extending the northern route from Mombo to Moshi, where it reached in 1912. Extension to Arusha by the British. Reached Usa River and Tengeru in 1929 and Arusha in 1930. (iii) To build in 1914 a railway westwards from Tabora to densely populated Rwanda; only 40 km had been completed before the war. The British completed it to Mwanza. Unlike the Uganda railway, the Tanganyika lines were built by African labour working in huge gangs with only simple tools. At its peak the central railway employed some 20,000 men. About 100 died each month in the marshes east of Kilosa. The railways affected many spheres of life: Ruined Zinza iron smelters who had produced hoes used by caravans as currency. Immigration of Europeans and Asians was accelerated. By 1912 there were 8,698 Asians with better access to imported goods, export markets, credit facilities and commercial skills, Asian shopkeepers commonly drove out African competitors. III. Development of settler- based economy From the point of view of the colonial state, the measure of advance in colonial economy was to be seen in increasing white settlement. Between 1904 and 1913 European population grew from 1,390 to 4,998, from the latter 882 were male adults engaged in agricultural production. Between 1901-1906 the colonial state supported schemes to establish Afrikaner refugees from the Boer war and impoverished Germans from Russia on the foot of Meru, but considered this as an experiment. 1. Early 1900’s most settlers in West Usambara hoping to combine mixed farming with coffee plantations. By 1911 there were 41 farmers in the mountains. The DC had land commission consisting of himself and local akida or government agent and headmen. They decided to concentrate Africans on part of the land and alienate the rest. Common practice was to leave about 4 hectares per family. The land vacated was declared crown land and leased for 25 years. In 1912 shortage of land and labour made government to close West Usambara. European farming did not prosper; coffee failed; dairying and vegetables lacked sufficient market; most settlers grew African cereals to feed plantations in the plains. 2. Intending settlers looked for space around Kilimanjaro and Meru. In 1907 it was decided to alienate only apparently unused land in the Shambaa belt and foothills, leaving gaps between farms to allow access to lowlands. The idea was to limit Chagga expansion so that population growth would provide settler with labour force growing parallel with needs. Alienation produced localized land hunger. Similar, perhaps more serious problem emerged on Mt. Meru. (a) Government policy of encouraging settlers in this area meant that very large areas around the base of the Mt. bordering immediately African holdings became almost a European reserve. (b) The second problem was Meru’s foothills were less well watered making expansion from banana belt difficult. Thus in 1914 slightly less than 10% of the land Of German East Africa had been alienated- mainly in Usambara, Kilimanjaro and Meru as main centres. Early plans to settle in Uhehe and Unyakyusa highlands and other parts of S/highlands were frustrated by transport. A few coffee planters obtained land in Buhaya. 3. The only other settlement area was Morogoro district where the central railway enabled 82 plantations to be opened by 1911. Crops planted (a) Rubber- as plantation crop was attracted by a boom which never lasted, collapsed in 1913. Two reasons: (i) Only poor variety (manihot) could grow well in East African soils while good varieties had been developed in other areas, especially Southeast Asia. Manihot could not compete with these other varieties. Thus, rubber from German East Africa was considered the worst in the world. (ii) Plantation growth outran labour supply and pushed up production cost. By 1914 many rubber plantations were abandoned. (b) Sisal- as plantation crop better suited than coffee, cotton and rubber. Could grow well in shallow latrine soils of northeast, central railway area and southern coast. It could withstand unpredictable rainfall. Introduction by one of the German East Africa Co. managers getting the first plants from Florida in 1893- first experiment near Pangani. Investment rose rapidly. By 1912 was dominant crop. By 1912 about 57% of export crop came from European settlers; they also sought political power. (i) As early as 1898, Europeans who had settled in certain districts, some of them were nominated to advisory councils administering “communal” funds. (ii) In 1904 the governor’s council (all Europeans) was created as advisory body. During last decade of German rule attempted to control these advisory councils, make them elective and give them decision making. By 1914 the settlers possessed a degree of political power which European officials were never to exercise again in Tanganyika. There were as many Europeans in German East Africa as in Kenya; they were better organized; better represented in public bodies; more influential in metropolitan politics; far more important economically, and able to ignore Asian political demands which Europeans in Kenya had to heed. IV Struggle for Labour Generalization Settler and plantation agriculture appropriated vast quantities of African labour by a mixture of economic and political means. Most workers were migrants from distant regions, since the economic and environmental conditions which made plantations possible in the north-east also enabled Africans of the region to commercialize their agriculture. The result was differentiation between labour- importing and exporting regions. In the importing regions African societies tended to develop towards peasant production. By contrast, the labour exporting regions tended to stagnate or even retrogress. Many labour importing regions were high-rainfall areas, which could easily get into the cash crop producing system for the colonial capitalist system. 2. Evolution of labour policy (a) Experimentation After disastrous experimentation with Chinese and Indonesian “coolies” employers began in 1895 to recruit Nyamwezi and Sukuma workers. By 1900 their numbers between 4,000 and 5,000. (b) Taxation introduced in 1898. People forced to sell labour in order to get tax. (c) Compulsion: Europeans continued to need workers. They demanded political action because economic measures (tax) proved inadequate. Before 1910 areas divided into labour divisions, each attached to a plantation to which headman had to supply labour. Rechenberg (governor) prohibited this in 1910, but by then of 14,000 workers in European plantations in Tanga district, 1,200 were local men. Compulsion was through card system. By 1914 labour compulsion still existed in Lushoto, Dar es Salaam, Rufiji, Morogoro, and Lindi districts. 3. Complication of beginnings of peasant cash crop production (a) Meanwhile the Kilimanjaro situation was complicated by several Chagga who had themselves become coffee producers. Most of them catechists; Sawaya Mawala (Marealle’s advisor) became the first coffee farmer; seeds were obtained from Italian settler; then chiefs followed. Growers were exempted from labour recruitment but not allowed to employ labour and compete with settlers. Settlers insisted “we don’t want black capitalists; we need black workers”. (b) Between 1909 and 1913 Mwanza’s export of cotton lint rose from 123 bales to 3,735 bales. It enabled some Sukuma to abandon labour migration. (c) Haya Coffee production also increased. Robusta coffee existed in pre-colonial period.When Uganda railway reached L. Victoria in 1901; local German officer encouraged commercial production. Between 1906 and 1912 exports grew from 214,556 to 681,245 kg. The main beneficiaries were chiefs. They extended the Nyarubanja land tenure system to include many areas either planted with or suitable for coffee. “Thus ancient agricultural skills and pre-capitalist forms of exploitation were absorbed intact into colonial structure”. 4. Labour shortage Plantations had more difficulty than other enterprises in attracting labour- plantation conditions of work had harsh discipline. Planters used “task” system. Eventually migrant labour became a lasting solution. The great expansion of migrant labour around 1908 continued until the war. Supply of Nyamwezi/ Sukuma diminished during the depression caused by the war. LECTURE 17: DEVELOPMENT OF SETTLER AND PEASANT PRODUCTION DURING THE BRITISH PERIOD I. Introduction The Effect of WWI German East Africa as a battle field (see Iliffe [1979], p. 240-261). The war affected many sectors of life. For civilians, primary emotion was fear: labour, food and local knowledge demanded by two armies both determined to commit the Africans on their side without being able to guarantee protection. 1. Offered opportunity for intrigues similar to those at the time of conquest. 2. Wartime plunder left local population suffering from famine: 1918 famine in Dodoma, Singida and Kondoa where Germans had ransacked 26,000 cattle and five months later the British got 5,659 beasts plus 24,000 porters and 100 tons of flour. 3. Spread of diseases was another problem: smallpox, Spanish influenza killed 50,000 to 80,000 (1918-1921); tsetse expansion and increase of tsetse borne disease to human beings and animals. 4. Wartime forced African direct participation: recruitment as askaris and porters. Apart from loss of life by askaris and porters, this is the group which suffered greatest frustration after the war because of defeat. Beni societies expressed these frustrations: High status marini and low status Arinoti denoting the askari and the porter memories. The largest direct involvement was that of the porters. The British had formed carrier corps in Kenya early in the war; this was imitated in the Congo and Central Africa. By 1917 German East Africa provided most of the porters. In March 1917, the British commander-in-chief controlled 125,000 porters: 44,000 from Kenya and 81,000 from German East Africa. The porters experience was terrible: Death rate 100,000-300,000 out of estimated total of 1/2 – 1 million. Dysentery killed most; but also sheer cold on the Livingstone mts. 5. Disruption of the economy: 1917-1924 period of stagnation (a) Departure of German personnel, especially missionaries and settlers- effect on Africans. (b) Need to revive as quickly as possible productive and financial institutions. 6. From German East Africa to Tanganyika: (a) Many names had been considered: Kilimanjaro, New Maryland, Smutsland, Azania, Victoria- but eventually chose Tanganyika. (b) Policy change has been exaggerated- that because Tanganyika became British Mandate under the League of Nations, terms were different from other colonized territories. -In 1921 British Colonial Office stated: “Tanganyika must be primarily a black man’s country”. -In 1924 insisted on Nigerian policy of Indirect Rule. - But in fact there was very little change of colonial structure. II. Immediate efforts in economic restoration 1. British imperial firms picked up British interests. British Banks stepped in (National Bank of India and later Standard Bank of South Africa as government bankers). Big sisal estates auctioned: British investors bought the most profitable ones. Mombasa and Durban Cos handled restoration of Dar es Salaam Horbour. Most ex-German plantations were bought by European Cos and many mixed farms went to British settlers; but medium- sized properties such as urban estates and smaller sisal and coffee plantations were sold at low prices to Asian merchants-Karimjee Jivanjee family being an example. Greek settlers were also represented. George Arnautoglu being the most successful. Return of German settlers in the 1920’s began to complete re-establishment of the colonial economy to the levels before the war. III. European Enterprises and African Labour 1. Overview of Tanganyika economy: - Stagnation followed the war. -Quite rapid growth in the later 1920s. -Collapse between 1929 and 1932. -Analysis of exports shows two important changes: (a) In early 1920s peasant production gained over the plantation crops and forest produce which had dominated during German times. (b) The later 1920s and the 1930s saw revival of plantation enterprise now almost wholly dominated by sisal. 2. Between 1921 and 1932 colonial state borrowed £ 8,693,350 spent on public buildings, renovation of German railways and extension of branches- to Arusha 1930, Mwanza 1929 and Kinyangiri (Unyaturu) 1932. One planned to Northern Rhodesia [Zambia] never materialized. 3. Deportation of Germans reduced white population between 4,998 in 1913 to 2,447 in 1921. After 1921 British settlers bought ex-enemy properties but no new land alienation. By 1939 there were 6,514 European unofficial, including 2,100 Britons and 2,729 Germans. Most Germans were small farmers, often financed indirectly by the Reich. They gained much land on Kilimanjaro and dominated in Southern Highlands and Oldean in Mbulu District. Altogether the period added 400,000 hectares of newly alienated land bringing total peak of 1,157,246 hectares in 1937. Official view was that Tanganyika must be predominantly African territory; colonial state gave less indirect aid to settlers (freight subsidy, technical assistance etc.) than had the Germans. Between the wars sisal became chief export crop. Exports rose between 1921 and 1938 from 17,057 to 103,428 tonnes. Even international depression had little effect on sisal. One explanation: many estates were controlled by merchants who could balance losses on production by agency profits on larger quantities. 4. Labour recruitment: The interwar period intensified the earlier trend of recruiting migrant labour. Early 1920s the largest group of migrants were still Nyamwezi, Sumbwa and Sukuma. During the depression many Sukuma became cotton growers and the Nyamwezi area was closed because of sleeping sickness. Migrants came increasingly from remote peripheral regions: Nyaturu, Nyiramba and Irangi from Central Province (Kondoa, Mkalama, Singida) for plantations in Moshi and Arusha; Bena and Nyakyusa from Southern Highlands- many Nyakyusa travelled to northeast in 1920s until Lupa goldfield offered a closer market for food and labour. The Ha, had travelled to north-eastern plantations around 1925; Makonde and Makua (from Mozambique), Rundi and Mabwe + Bemba (from Zambia). New migrations were stimulated by tax whose collection increased almost by 155% when compared 1912 and 1939. But established migration could be mainly for cash to be used to buy imported goods, to pay school fees, to obtain cattle for bride-wealth and even to invest. When profitable crops, transport facilities, or market became available, men usually abandoned migration-as Sukuma cotton growers, Ndendeule tobacco and Matengo Coffee planters. Plantation labourers expressed their ideas and experience most vividly in the forms of protest; but normally lacked leadership. (a) Most common protest was desertion. (b) Response to breach of contract was to down tools. Sisal strikes became common in 1930s. IV. Peasant Agriculture 1. Two processes between the war: (a) Continuing integration of local economies into international capitalist economy, until capitalist relationships among the Africans appeared and peasant societies emerged in certain areas. (b) Clear regional differentiation emerged. “It was a peculiarity of Sub-Saharan Africa that capitalism and peasant societies evolved together. Peasants live in small communities, cultivate land they own or control, rely chiefly on family labour and produce their own subsistence while also supplying larger economic systems including non-peasants”. Iliffe (1979), p. 273. According to this definition “coastal peoples were probably Tanganyika’s only peasants before European invasion.” 2. European control, taxation, acceptance of world regions and production for the market began to extend peasant status in German times; but it was in the 1920s that peasant socities appeared inland notably in Kilimanjaro, Buhaya and Usukuma. 3. Political eruptions consequent on the successive peasantisation of Tanganyika’s societies powered much of the country’s political development. Cash crop areas joined towns and European plantations as regions most integrated into world capitalist economy. But they in turn drew resources from peripheral regions supplying migrant labour and from inter-mediate regions supplying food and other services. 4. Emergence of peasant societies. (a) Kilimanjaro: During the 1920s coffee transformed the Chagga into peasants. 1916 owned 100,000 trees. Rising prices in 1921, ideas spread quickly; by 1925 6,716 Chagga coffee growers with 987,173 trees, 5 years later almost 6 million trees. Differentiation among individuals: in 1930 only one man in three grew coffee: of these 96% had less than 1,000 trees. The remainder (about 500) owned a hectare or more often in distinct plantation farm rather than Kihamba and with hired labour. They belonged to two groups. (i) Established leaders Chiefs and other prominent men possessing several vihamba. (ii) Educated Christians, like Joseph Merinyo. Around 1927 he began to buy and sell land. Local trade flourished; in 1925 Native shopkeepers Association was formed. “Settlers protested that African coffee would spread disease, devalue the local product, and encourage theft from European farms. Privately they feared that it would harm their labour supply”. (Iliffe [1979], p. 276). In 1923 the settlers formed Kilimanjaro Planters Association. In 1925 the Kilimanjaro Native Planters Association was formed with Joseph Merinyo as President and Stefano Lema as Secretary. In 1927 KNPA became the nucleus of a marketing cooperatice. The farmers interest brought them into conflict with the colonial state, settlers and chiefs. In 1927, under settler pressure, colonial state decided to discourage cultivation of Arabica coffee by “natives”. 1928 reopened Kilimanjaro’s lower slopes for alienation. Conflict between KNPA and chiefs who wanted to control marketing. Crisis eventually came during the depression when between 1929 and 1931 prices fell from £ 70 per ton to £ 29. In 1931 many Chaggas sold coffee to private traders (Chagga and Asians). Government investigation alleged Merinyo had embezzled KNPA funds. During his imprisonment the colonial state transformed KNPA to KNCU. KNCU seen at first as government institution; was a target of Chagga hostility which reached climax in 1937 when they wanted to destroy their primary societies. (b) Buhaya -In 1937 witness riots in Buhaya as well. -Expansion of coffee growing had also taken place in the 1920s. -In 1923 2m. trees planted. -By 1928 more than ½ of the 80,000 tax payers in Bukoba district grew coffee. -Their 7,873 tonnes dwarfed the 314 tonnes sold by the Chagga. -By 1936 several major coffee areas were no longer self-sufficient in bananas. -Education, Islam and Christianity spread rapidly. -Buhaya differed from Kilimanjaro in three ways: (i) Wage-labour was more common. By 1924 there were least 20,000 bashuti from Burundi, Bugufi, Biharamulo and Karagwe. (ii) Large coffee farmers were more numerous. (iii) Capitalist relations were accompanied with weakening of feudal relations- at the same time emerging capitalist relations strongly coloured by pre-capitalist survivals. Feudal relations weakened by abolition of tribute. Buhaya hierarchical traditions made its peasant society more sharply differentiated. (c) Other peasant (i) In 1923 Sukuma cotton production exceeded 1913 figure of 3,714 bales. (ii) 1926 coffee spread among the Nyakyusa who had grown very small quantities during the German period. It also spread during the 1920s to Shambaa (1921) Hangaza of Buguti (1924-25) and Nyiha and Matengo in 1928. (iii) Tobacco was pioneered in Ungoni (1928) and Buzinza (1931). NB: Sources the same as lecture 16. V. Conclusion 1. By late 1930s Tanganyika’s economy had evolved into settler based sector and peasant based sector. 2. Both were integrated into the western capitalist econom. 3. The African peasantry sector had been articulated without raising the level of technology. It was part of the colonial periphery economy serving the interests of capital in the industrial sector. 4. Differentiation had taken place among the peasants individually as well as regionally. LECTURE 18: COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION IN TANZANIA FROM THE GERMANS TO THE BRITISH Sources 1. J. Iliffe, Tanganyika under German Rule 2. J. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika 3. W.O. Henderson, “ German East Africa, 1884-1918”in Harlow and Chilver (eds.) History of East Africa, Vol. II, Oxford, pp. 123-162. 4. F.D. Lugard, The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa 5. J.D. Graham, “Indirect Rule: The Establishment of ‘Chiefs’ and ‘Tribes’ in Cameron’s Tanganyika”, Tanzania Notes and Records, LXXVII (1976), pp.1-9. 6. Kenneth Ingham, “Tanganyika: The Mandate and Cameron, 1919-1931” in Harlow and Chilver (eds), History of East Africa, Vol. II, Oxford, pp. 543-593. Introduction The establishment of colonial rule in Tanzania involved the institutionalization of the state. The two powers that colonized Tanzania, Germany (1890-1918) and Britain 1919-1960 designed two different administrative approaches: The Germans preferred direct administration and the British used indirect rule. I. German Administration in Tanganyika In the early 1890s governors Julius von Soden and von Schele constructed the framework of an administrative machine for German East Africa. At its head was the Governor, who enforced the laws, imperial edicts, and chancellor’s instructions in the colony. He had the power to issue local decrees. The civil administration at Dar es Salaam organized in separate departments: (a) The Finance Department: Rudolf von Bennigsen was the head from 1893 to 1899. He realized that a new colony needed public works and welfare services. In the 1890s this department was the most important in the administration and it handled many problems of general nature. (b) The Department of Surveying and Surveying and Agriculture This was set up in 1893. Or Franz Stuhlmann was in charge and encouraged the collection of information concerning the topography of the colony. (c) Other Departments The Department of Justice. The Medical Department. The Public Works Department. All these were set up in early 1890s. In the interior, German authority was generally established in three stages: (a) In a number of areas treaties had been signed with local chiefs and German influence depended upon the extent to which the chiefs fulfilled their obligations. In so far as the military resources of the Governor permitted, punitive expeditions were sent against recalcitrant chiefs. (b) The second stage in the establishment of German authority was to set up military posts on caravan routes, at centres of maritime trade, at places from which European merchants and missionaries already existed and exercised influence. And at headquarters of agents of the Sultan of Zanzibar or of local chiefs. (c) The third stage of evolution of colonial administration was for the military government to be replaced by that of civilian district officers who exercise both executive and judicial functions. In some place a system of local native administration which was already in existence in the 1880s was retained. In addition the Germans imposed the coastal structure of Sultanate. Akidas and Jumbeate in other parts of the country. In 1891, four administrative districts were established on the coast and by 1903 the colony had been divided into 12 civil and 16 military districts. The Swahili and Arab Jumbes and Akidas were used to collect tax and recruit labourers, and set them to work. By 1914 the number of districts had changed from 16 to 24. Communication was so bad that everything was left to the district officer. He commanded a small police force or a company of one to two hundred troops. He collected taxes, appointed and dismissed African chiefs and agents, judged cases, and administered punishments. Often he ruled with a strong and ruthless had. Yet the government’s power was limited, for it lacked staff and money. The Germans feared African rising and suppressed the slightest discontent with great brutality. Between 1914-1918 German East Africa participated in WWI, as we have already seen. After the war German East Africa (excluding Rwanda and Burundi) was handed to the British and became Tanganyika. II. The Establishment of British Administration in Tanganyika Within the framework of international supervision, British administration in Tanganyika Territory was formally established by the Tanganyika Order in Council of 22 July 1920. By the terms of the order the title of the chief representative of His Majesty’s Government was changed from that of Administrator to Governor and Commander-in-Chief. Subject to the Colonial Secretary’s general power of disallowance, the Governor was then empowered to make ordinances for the “good government of the country”, provided he respected existing native laws and customs. He was to be assisted in this work by an Executive Council consisting of: - The Chief Secretary -The Attorney General -Treasurer -Principal Medical Officer. - The High Court also existed and possessed full criminal and civil jurisdiction overall persons in the Territory. In all other cases, with the exception of a special tribunal which dealt with civil cases, the Indian civil Procedure, Criminal Procedure and Penal codes formed the basis of jurisdiction. The twenty-two administrative districts into which the Germans had divided the territory were retained. So too, where possible, were the services of Akidas whom the Germans had formally employed in some areas although then status and privileges were to be gradually reduced. European administrative officers were left a remarkably free hand in the formulation of their own local policies and in changing those of their predecessors. Indirect Rule In 1925, the British introduced a form of government called indirect rule into Tanganyika. It had been tried in Nigeria with high level of success. Arrival of Sir Donald Cameron as Governor in 1925, after setting up the Legislative Council turned to drastic changes in Local Government. The new policy intended that African “tribes” should be administered by their chiefs and elders under British supervision. They hoped this would encourage political and economic development without leading to “detribalization” or nationalist politics. The effort of creating local authorities was a complicated one. It created conflicts even within “tribes”. J.D Graham argues that in some instances it involved creating tribes even where they did not exist before.Within well established ethnic groups conflicts could arise between privileged chiefs and their unprivileged subjects as it happened in Buhaya. To ensure uniform application of this system of administration it was proposed that the 22 districts should be grouped into provinces under senior officials and that the office of the Secretary for Native Affairs should be created. The system had various advantages as it helped the British in the collection of tax, ensuring order and peace through African leaders. In public projects, for example, construction of roads African labour was recruited through African chiefs. It was also two difficult to administer the large area of the territory given a few number of British administrators. The British government of Tanganyika through African leaders operated in low costs, and this was in line with periphery capitalist system. III. The Effects of Colonial Rule in Tanzania The effects of colonial rule in Tanzania are mostly limited by the fact that the traditional African economies were linked to the international capitalist system. The relationship resulted into a number of effects. The effects were political, economic as well as social. Supporters of colonialism saw the effects as blessing to the Africans especially with the introduction of hospitals (modern medical care) and education as well as railways. However, liberal historians consider colonialism to have a mixed blessing because it had bad (negative) and good (positive) effects. The Marxist scholars totally reject the assertion that the effects are mixed with blessings. Instead they maintain that integration brought no development but rather underdevelopment of the colonized and integrated African societies into international capitalist system. LECTURE 19: THE POLITICAL ECONOMY OF ZANZIBAR Sources 1. A. Sheriff and Ed. Ferguson (eds) Zanzibar under Colonial Rule 2. J.E Flint, “Zanzibar 1890-1950”, in V. Harlow and E.M. Chilver (eds) History of East Africa, Vol. II, pp. 641-671. 3. M. Lofchie, Zanzibar: Background to Revolution 4. J. Mosare, “Background to Revolution in Zanzibar” in Kimambo & Temu, A History of Tanzania, pp. 214-238. I. From Slavery to Wage Labour 1. Under Foreign Office 1890-1913 (a) Efforts to stop slavery August 1, 1890 Anti-Slavery Decree had the following provisions: (i) Prohibition of sale or exchange of slaves; closing all markets; (ii) Slaves of childless masters free or death; (iii) Forbidding wives of Indians to hold slaves; (iv) Punishment for ill-treatment of slaves; Permitting slaves to purchase their freedom (b) Stronger control of the Protectorate Gerald Portal succeeded Euan-Smith as Consul-General in 1891. (i) Control of finances and administration appointing Europeans to take charge of treasury, army, police, customs and post office. (ii) Mathews was made “First Minister” to coordinate Sultan’s affairs. (iii) The Sultan was left only with civil list fixed at 250,000 rupees per annum. (c) 1892 Sultan Ali died Colonial state seized the opportunity to nominate successor. Seyyid Khalid ibn Barghash, who had attempted to install himself in the palace, was ejected and Seyyid Hamid ibn Thuwain chosen as the new Sultan. He became a cooperative agent of the British. In 1896 when there was another succession and Khalid wanted to seize power, the British bombarded the palace; 500 defenders were killed or wounded. Seyyid Hamoud was nominated as a total dependent. (d) Abolition of slavery 1897 A very gradual provision; the British feared the consequences of abrupt abolition. The Decree of 1897 put the onus on the slave to claim his freedom by applying to district courts. Owners were to get compensation from the British. Concubines could only apply if could prove cruelty. Difficult but gradually succeeded. By giving powers to the slave to free himself, improved the status of the slave. Masters had to compete to retain their services; willingly giving plots to make slaves tenants. The Sultan was the first to do so. (e) By 1901 critical labour problems. Colonial state assisted by getting labourers from the mainland, especially the Nyamwezi. (f) By 1909 the state was able to carry through the final measure of abolition: That no compensation for slaves after December 31, 1911; even concubines could claim freedom and forfeit right over children. The insistence by Arab plantation owners that abolition of slavery was the source of their indebtedness has no strong grounds- many were in debt even before 1897. 2. Transfer to Colonial Office in 1913 New post of British Resident: combined functions of the Council General and the First Minister. British Resident was to be under “general supervision” of the Governor of the East African Protectorate (Kenya). Appeals by the East African court of Appeal in Mombasa rather than Bombay. In 1925, the Governor of Kenya was deprived of his position as High Commissioner for Zanzibar and the British Resident could report directly to the colonial office. Two questions still need discussion: was Zanzibar a colony? Was the British Resident in Zanzibar of the same status as the governors of other British protectorates? II. Between the Wars, 1918-39 WWI had little effect on Zanzibar: withdrawal of German firms, but trade soon recovered. In the next 10 years high prices of cloves and copra. This caused complacency on both the colonial state and growers. Then during the next 20 years, there was very difficult period. Two types of changes: 1. The Arab aristocracy was facing dwindling economic power while mounting debts maintained accustomed standards of living. This enriched Indian money-lenders. 2. African population: Pemba, Hadimu or Swahili, slowly began to gather up land from needy Arabs. The colonial state was much worried by the decline of the Arabs. The British had maintained a conservative position which classified the population on race lines: - The Arabs as land owners. -The Indians as traders and financiers. -The Africans as labourers. - Colonial services were arranged in segregated way. The Education Commission of 1920 had upheld the concept of education separation rather than integrated schools. After separation from Kenya, in 1926 both Legislative and Executive Councils were created. Executive included the Sultan and British officials while the Legislative included Officials and six nominated unofficial appointed after consultation with local organizations. In 1927, growers (large and small) were organized in cooperative lines as the Clove Growers Association (CGA) – 9,000 joined. 1929 slump and later depression occurred. In 1928/29 one frasila (16kg) of cloves 24 rupees, in 1929/30 went down to 15 rupees,1931/32 it fell to 7 rupees and in 1932/33 fell to 6 rupees. Thereafter started to rise very slowly. Already burned by debts, growers now faced ruin. Therefore several reforms were introduced in 1934-specifically to alleviate the debt problem. 1. Legislation forbidding transfer of Arab or African land to any non-Arab or non-African without the consent of the British Resident. 2. Restricted mortgages on such land; 3. Applied a moratorium on all debts owed by Arabs and African to persons of other race. 4. It established the CGA as a privileged corporation authorised to levy a compulsory contribution on all exports. 5. All clove exports had to be licensed and CGA became the licensing authority. These measures touched off acute and bitter controversy. The Arabs and the Swahili population strongly supported the colonial state. Indians supported by British merchants regarded it as frontal attack on their position. September 1937 the Indian Association accused the Government of deliberately trying to drive Indians away from Zanzibar. 6. Decree of 1937 removed all dealers and gave CGA a complete monopoly. August 1937 Indians in Zanzibar collaboration with their agents overseas organized a boycott of clove trade. Government revenues were greatly depleted. By February 1938, the Resident had reached agreement with Indian dealers who called off the boycott: (a) Indians were admitted to clove trade share and power of CGA was reduced (not to employ its own buyers nor to sell directly overseas except in abnormal situations). (b) Two Indians were admitted to the CGA Board and two to the advisory committee fixing prices. (c) 1938- Government dealt with the debt: special courts to establish amount of disputed debt and value of mortgaged land. The Government would pay the debt and the debtor would repay the Government by installments according to means. III. WWII and its aftermath Two decades since 1939 of remarkable changes-economic and social (no political agitation). 1. War was an unmixed blessing (Japanese overrunning of East Indies)- supplies passing through Zanzibar. -Prosperity wiped out debt burden. -Expansion of social services: medical services and education and teachers training facilities. 2. Political development as colonial government action. 1944 town councils for Zanzibar and Ng’ambo- with nominated individuals representing local interests. 1947 Local Government Councils with powers to raise revenue, make by-laws and spend money for improvements (little initiative). 3. 1956 the colonial state wanted to appoint the first African unofficial member of the Legislative Council. The African Association suggested Ibrahim Saadala, but was not accepted by the Government, instead Ameir Tojo of Shirazi Association in Zanzibar was appointed. In the following year (1947) Ali Shariff Musa of Shirazi Association in Pemba as second member. Thus the picture for unofficial members became: 1 European 3 Arabs 2 Indians 3 Africans (all from Afro-Shirazi). The sign of mass agitation in 1948 starting with the dock strikes which became a general strike and necessitated the use of emergency powers. Colonial state authorities claimed that the trouble was caused by mainland Africans. LECTURE 20: NATIONALISM IN TANGANYIKA Sources 1. A.J. Temu, “The Rise and Triumph of Nationalism”, in Kimambo and Temu (eds), A History of Tanzania, pp. 189-213. 2. M.Kaniki (ed), Tanzania Under Colonial Rule, Chapter 10. 3. John Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, Chapters 15 and 16. 4. John Iliffe, “TANU and the Colonial Office”, Tanzania Zamani, III, 2 (1997), pp. 1-62 5. L. Cliffe and J. Saul (eds.) Socialism in Tanzania, Vol I, pp. 3-28. I. Introduction Nationalism which denotes a kind of patriotic feeling among people united by a number of common strings such as territory, culture, language etc. is not a matter which arises overnight. European nation states acquired this feeling after a long experience of acting together. In colonial Africa, what came to be national boundaries were created by colonial conquests which had divided even groups of people that previously had belonged together. Thus the process of conquest and domination is the same which gradually also planted seeds of belonging together which grew to a patriotic level of wanting or demanding decolonization. The root organizations that grew to produce nationalist movement were the various types of associations. 2. Types of Associations -There were three types of associations 1. Peasant associations We have already noted two examples: (a) The Kilimanjaro Native Planters Association (1925) and (b) The Bukoba-Buhaya Union (1924). Both were in conflict with their chiefs not so much because they were traditional but because as employees of the colonial government they represented more the aspirations of the colonial administration than those of their own people. -In the 1930s and 1940s, peasant associations became a very important link within the growth of a territorial movement. 2. Civil servants associations. -The formation of Tanganyika Territory African Civic Services Association in 1922 in Tanga was an important territorial gesture. In 1929 a branch was formed in Dar es Salaam to become one of the sources of ideas to form a territorial movement. 3. The African Association-later Tanganyika African Association (TAA). This was formed in 1929 by combination of civil servants and urban leaders. II. TAA as main root of nationalism 1. 1929-1945 (a) Kept the dream of unity alive. (b) Made contact with other organizations. (c) Gradually concentrated more and more on territorial affairs, so that by 1945 it came to see itself as a Tanganyikan institution. TAA was non-tribal, non-religious in character and these qualities were inherited by TANU. 1945 was the turning point Mass mobilization: TAA began to expand country wide and to campaign for mass support. 1939 there were only 9 branches (mostly urban). By 1948 there were 39 branches with 1,780 members. (b) Colonial state actions after WWII causing peasant as well as labourers (workers) discontent which in turn assisted TAA campaigns. For example: Usambara branch pushed by issues against chief and the Mlalo Rehabilitation scheme. In Kilimanjaro, Joseph Kimalando in 1946 and later issues against divisional chiefs-tended to favour local organization-Chagga Citizens Union and later Chagga Democratic Party (Paramount and against Paramount). In Upare, in 1945 the Mbiru uprising was to lead to TAA branch through the Usangi Sports and Welfare Club. 1947 strikes involving dockers, teachers, salt workers at Uvinza and sisal workers in Tanga. In 1949 Lake Province Growers Association which later became Victoria Federation of Cooperative Unions in Usukuma, under Paull Bomani, became important force during the transition from TAA to TANU. The forcible eviction of 3,000 Wameru from Engare Nanyuki to give room to settlers boosted TAA and later TANU organization. Formation of Meru Citizen Union, with Kirilo Japhet as leader-going even to UN to present the case. Reaction to colonial development schemes was widespread: -The Mbulu Development Scheme; -The Mlalo Rehabilitation Scheme; -The Uluguru Land Usage Scheme; -The Iringa Dipping Scheme. It was under such atmosphere that in 1953 Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere was elected president of TAA and started to transform the organization to meet this demand. On July 7, 1954 at its meeting in Dar es Salaam, TAA transformed itself to Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). III. TANU leading the Process of Decolonization TANU inherited the organizational structure of TAA which it continued to expand in mobilizing the masses. It also inherited the situation of appalling grievances of the masses which it took upon as its responsibility to articulate. It was continuing the effort of uniting all classes of people against tribalism and religious interests. It required committed campaign by the leadership before people outside the petty bourgeois groups (professionals, traders and rich peasants) had seen value of TANU membership. But against this effort was colonial state opposition. Were Wilson say: “[The process of decolonization] was further hampered by irresponsible acts carried out by some of its branch members, whose pointless protests against government took the form of hampering agricultural improvements, preventing dam building, stopping pest control schemes, etc” The truth is that TANU had to identify itself with the grievances of the masses, and this (in the long run) was an advantage. 1. In the process of the struggle the colonial state attempted to stop TANU activities which were proscribed in a number of districts between 1954 and 1958. By the end of 1954 because of disturbances in Mala-mpaka, Maswa, Musoma and Bukoba, TANU had been proscribed in the whole of Lake Province. In 1955 because of the Uluguru problem, TANU was banned in the whole of Morogoro district. A similar pattern occurred in Kondoa Irangi in 1956, Usambara in 1957 and Iringa in 1958. By 1958 the ban of TANU had been extended to 11 districts. 2. The second issue confronting TANU was that of multi-racialism.Racial discrimination had been one of the issues fought against by TAA. By 1951 the political picture was as follows: Executive Council Official members Unofficial members 83 Europeans1 Asian1 African Legislative Council Official Unofficial 157 Europeans4 Africans3 Asians By 1957, the idea of racial parity had become dominant despite African majority. See John Iliffe, “TANU and the Colonial Office”, Tanzania Zamani, Vol III, 2 (1997). Officially colonial state supported formation of the United Tanganyika Party (UTP), mainly by unofficial members of Legico and some chiefs. About the same time multi-racial district councils were created to increase tension in the rural areas. By 1958, TANU was a strong organization with membership of over 200,000. Jan 1958 Conference to consider the question of multi-racial election – 3 candidates. ANU decided to participate; Zuberi Mtemvu soon started the African National Congress (ANC) to oppose the multi-racial stand. Both UTP and ANC won no seats in the 1958/59 elections. 3. The third threat came in 1959 when a petition in the name of all Muslim of Tanganyika proposed that Tanganyika should not become independent until Muslims in the country attained greater educational progress. Again this was a small minority attempt; Muslims religious leaders denounced the petition. TANU won overwhelming victory. As movement towards independence was apparent, another election was held in 1960 in which TANU also obtained overwhelming victory and independence was won on 9th December 1961. Assessment There has been a tendency to try to explain why Tanganyika had smooth move towards independence. Factors such as existence of Kiswahili, lack of dominant ethnic groups, colonial policies under mandate, etc. have been mentioned. But when history of colonialism is taken into account generally, none of these factors would weigh very strong. Some add Mau Mau as a factor making the British more willing to compromise. However, the most important factor is the unifying experience of TAA before formation of TANU. In other East African countries, the petty bourgeois class tended to organize in fragments (civil servants, Kulak peasants and traders) and later found it more difficult to unite the fragment into strong nationalist movement. LECTURE 21: NATIONALISM IN ZANZIBAR Sources: 1. A. Sheriff and E. Ferguson (eds.), Zanzibar under Colonial Rule (the whole book) 2. L. Cliff and J. Saul (eds), Socialism in Tanzania, Vol I, pp. 29-40 3. M.Kaniki (ed), Tanzania under Colonial Rule, pp. 368-381 4. M.F. Lofchie, Zanzibar: Background to Revolution. 5. J. Mosare, “Background to the Revolution in Zanzibar”, in Kimambo and Temu (eds.) 6. A History of Tanzania, pp. 214-238. 7. J. Okello, Revolution in Zanzibar (a personal accounts of one of the participants). 8. Minael-Hosanna Mdundo, Masimulizi ya Sheikh Thabit Kombo Jecha (DUP 1999) (another personal account on the side of ASP). I. Introduction 1. The politics of decolonization in Zanzibar was more complicated than in Tanganyika for a number of reasons: (a) Population stratified both racially and socially. (b) In the fertile arable land, where clove and coconut plantations were established, most Africans living there were squatters. This reinforced superiority/inferiority relationship between the Arabs and Africans. (c) The British protected, nurtured and respected the Arab elite as the natural legitimate rulers of Zanzibar society. 2. Racial groups in Zanzibar included the Africans, Arabs, Indians and Europeans. In 1948, the Africans formed a big majority of about 75% of the population. They comprised the Hadimu who were the indigenous inhabitants of Unguja occupying most of the southern part. Others were the Tumbatu, the Pemba and mainland Africans. The Hadimu claim to be descendants of Arabs and Africans. The Pemba were indigenous inhabitants of Pemba.There are also the Shirazi people who are of mixed blood claiming to have a greater degree of Persian blood. They refer to themselves as Shirazi to distinguish themselves from Africans. Later in 1940 the term Shirazi came to be applied more widely to include this mixed blood group as well as a number of indigenous African groups such as the Hadimu, Tumbatu and Pemba- to distinguish them from mainland Africans who were regarded as descendants of slaves and infidels. Despite their numerical strength the Shirazi failed to give leadership and direction to the rest of the African community. Together with distancing themselves from mainland African, they also lacked solidarity among themselves. The Arabs took the advantage of this division and tried to draw the Shirazi closer to themselves. In 1948 the Arab population comprised of 18.2% of the total (next to Africans). The Indians and Goans were numerically next; they engaged in commerce, as we have already seen.They played negligible role in politics of nationalism. The Europeans (British) were a tiny minority, but were the colonial masters controlling the economy and the administration. In the politics of decolonization, they assisted and protected the Arabs to whom they had chosen to hand over political power. II. Background to party politics Before the rise of political parties activities were organized and expressed through ethnic associations. The most outstanding associations were the Arab Association, the African Association and the Shirazi Association. 1. The Arab Association Was formed by rich and influential Arabs in the 1920s to press for compensation; during the 1930s pre-occupied with defence against Indian creditors. Later on the association widened its scope to protect the general privileged position of the Arab community. 2. The African Association Was formed in 1934 with most of its supporters from the mainland Africans. It was closely associated with TAA. It fought for the welfare of Africans. 3. The Shirazi Association Was formed in Pemba in 1939. Later it spread its activities to the rest of the protectorate. It was intended to safeguard interests of indigenous Africans (the Shirazi). III. The Emergence of Political Parties and National Elections to Independence. -Political parties in Zanzibar started to emerge in 1953. -Their aim was to capture political power from the British. -But they were divided on ethnic lines. 1. The Zanzibar Nationalist Party This was Arab dominated party, but had an African peasant background. It had its origin in 1953 when a small group of Swahili peasants in the village of Kiembe Samaki formed a political party which they called National Party of the subjects of the Sultan of Zanzibar (NPSS). The move was a protest against the arrest and use of violence against villagers who refused to obey colonial directives of cattle dipping and inoculation. The party advocated multi-racial ideology and demanded independence under the Sultan of Zanzibar. Soon the Arab elite discovered the potential usefulness of the party in advancing their interests in the protectorate. Some of the members of the Arab Association like Muhisin and Amour joined and hijacked NPSS in 1955. They renamed it Zanzibar Nationalist Party and transformed it from its rural peasant base at an Arab dominated urban nationalist movement. Right from the beginning ZNP portrayed a seemingly nationalist image. Membership was open to all groups.Shortly before the 1957 election the party called for ‘freedom now’ as its central slogan. But these nationalist gestures did not portray the real intension of the Arabs-open to all so long to guarantee the perpetuation of Arab domination in the islands. The Africans were recruited not to share political kingdom with the Arabs as equals, but to act as a catalyst which would hasten Arab success without affecting power structure. But although the party managed to win a good number of African membership, many Africans, both mainlanders and Shirazi realized its hidden intensions and thus rejected it. They decided to fight colonialism in their own way. 2. African Nationalism Originated in the early 1950s and it vacillated between military and retreat. This situation was influenced by colonial machination in favour of Arab nationalism. In 1951-1953 African nationalism acquired a militant character. The African Association adopted militant stance. This militancy was exercised in small groups of African civil servants who became active in nationalist politics. They belonged to a small club called Young African Union (YAU) which was formed in 1951. It became an affiliated league of the African Association. Its intention was to stimulate AA to adopt a more militant position towards the colonial government. YAU used its paper ‘Afrika kwetu’ to educate and arouse African nationalist consciousness. The YAU and AA leaders attacked the existing socio-political structure which olaced the African in the most disadvantageous position in Zanzibar. YAU attacked African domination by alien races and its denial of justice and civil rights which it should enjoy. It also attacked the system in which the Africans were unrepresented in the Legislative Council and other statutory bodies and government committess. It then called for greater representation of Africans in those bodies. It condemned the denial of education to Africans while favouring the Arabs and other Asians. It attacked the miserable condition of poverty and ignorance in which the Africans lived. YU also attacked the colonial government policy of treating the Shirazi and the mainland Africans as distinct groups, and thus called for unity. The YAU and AA’s militancy was curtailed by the colonial government move to prohibit civil servants from participating in politics in 1953. AA entered a period of dormancy. The Arabs seized that opportunity to move quickly. They used ZNP to demand immediate self rule under the pretext of multiracial ideology. Colonial government responded to this call by calling the first general election to be held in 1956 (W.F Coutts proposals). Many conditions were imposed upon the election process intended to make it practically impossible for the Africans to secure any seat. (1) Eligibility to vote would depend on whether one could speak, read or write Kiswahili, Arabic or English; (2) That voters had to be residents in Zanzibar and had to have lived in their constituency for at least one year; (3) To be over 25 years of age and have property worth Shs. 3,000 or an annual income of Shs. 1,500 or property and income amounting to Shs. 3,000 or more. (4) To be in continuous government employment for at least 5 years or possess certificate or medals of good performance in war. These awkward conditions denied the vote to the African majority who suffered oppression and exploitation. The Africans protested against these extreme unfavourable conditions leading to postponement of the elections to the following year. (a) The Afro-Shirazi Party As already seen, one serious weakness of the African nationalism in Zanzibar was the disunity between the Shirazi and the mainlanders. Early in Feb. 1957, in response to formation ZNP and the scheduled elections in July 1957, the leaders of the African and Shirazi Association met to discuss possibility of forming a joint political party to compete with ZNP. The Zanzibar Shirazi Association branch under Sheikh Thabit Kombo and Ameir Tojo came out in favour of unity. The Pemba Shirazi branch objected unity. The result was formation of Afro Shirazi Union (ASU). This was simply a union of two parties and not a new party. The president of AA Sheikh Abed Aman Karume was elected its chairman while Sheikh Thabitt Kombo became its Secretary General. In July 1957, elections were held in Zanzibar for the first time. ASU won 3 seats (out of 6), Pemba Shirazi 2 seats, and Indian Independent one. ZNP won no seat. Following this victory for ASU, a complete merger of the party was effected. It now became Afro Shirazi Party (ASP). The two members of Pemba Shirazi joined forces with ASP but reined separate identity of Pemba Shirazi Union. The result of 1957 elections acted as a morale booster on the part of Africans and supporters of ASP. On the other hand, the Arabs realized that they had no support of the other classes, and thus could not win any elections without rigging. Thus all the subsequent elections were characterized by rigging on the part of ZNP. (b) Zanzibar and Pemba Peoples Party In 1959 there developed misunderstandings in the ASP’s top leadership which led to the expulsion of one of its leaders Mr. Ameir Tojo. The two Shirazi seat winners from Pemba also resigned from party. These three people formed a new party called Zanzibar and Pemba Peoples Party (ZPPP). ZPPP was basically to avoid the Arab domination in the ZNP and at the same time would not like African control in ASP. 1960 Sir Hilary Blood appointed Special Commissioner to make constitutional proposal: Full elected unofficial majority in enlarged Legico with a ministerial system under chief Minister. Preparation under atmosphere of tension-Resident threatened to ban political meetings. January 1961 Elections In Jan. 1961 elections were held. Three parties contested: ASP (10 seats), ZNP (9 seats) and ZPPP (3 seats). ZNP and ZPPP formed a coalition but two members crossed the floor to join ASP. Thus two sides became equal. June 1961 Elections In June new elections were held. They were characterized by rigging and fighting all over the territory. ASP won 10 seats; ZPPP and ZNP coalition won 13 seats. Thus ZPPP and ZNP coalition formed government with Mohamed Shamte, the leader of ZPPP as Prime Minister. ASP complained about rigging and unfairness in the elections demanding its nullification. June 1963 Elections Fresh elections were again called in 1963. In these elections the colonial state increased the number of seats in the areas under the influence of ZNP and ZPPP. -The results of the elections were: -ASP polled 87,082 votes (54%) won 13 seats. -ZNP and ZPPP 47,950 votes (45%) won 18 seats. -The ZNP ZPPP coalition formed government. -Zanzibar was granted independence on 10th December 1963. -The Sultan became the Head of state and Mohamed Shamte the Prime Minister. IV. Zanzibar Revolution Under the frustration of being denied their right in elections, the ASP resorted to violence techniques in order to restore African majority rule. On January 12 1964 a successful revolution was carried out under the leadership of ASP. The Arab Sultanate was overthrown and the government of Mohamed Shamte was removed. An African government under Sheikh Abed Amani Karume was installed. Tanganyika’s Union with Zanzibar On 26th April 1964 Zanzibar united with Tanganyika to form the United Republic of Tanzania. Explanation of the Revolution Western writers have presented conflicting views: 1. They see the potential of Umma Party with Babu’s coordination of the two arms of workers (FPTU and ZPFL) under National Labour Committee. 2. They consider Okello as the revolutionary leader who masterminded the whole move. But more intimate information tends to show that tight control of ASP and its coordinating committee of 14 members which planned and used the unemployed and other useful individuals, including dismissed policemen. Okello, one of the members of the coordinating committee was used because of his suitable voice to make announcements, and after the assignment he played no further role. It may be impossible to obtain the whole story at the moment, but gradually more eyewitness accounts may be recorded as facts move far away from active participants. LECTURE 22: POST INDEPENDENCE SITUATION UP TO 1967 Sources: Coulson, A. (1982), Tanzania: A Political Economy, Oxford, Clarendon. Cliffe, L. (1969), “From Independence to Self-reliance”, in Kimambo and Temu (eds.) A History of Tanzania, pp. 239-259. Ghai, D.P. (1974), “Some Aspects of Social and Economic Progress and Policies in East Africa, 1961 to 1971”, in Ogot B.A. (ed), Zamani: A Survey of East African History, pp. 369-385. Havnevik, K.J. Tanzania: The Limit to Development from Above, DSM, Mkuki na Nyota. Maliyamkono, T.L. et.al. (1964), The Challenge of Tanzania’s Economy. Rugumamu, M. (1997), Lethel Aid: The Illusion of Socialism and Self-Reliance in Tanzania, Irenton, J.Asmara. I. Introduction Tanganyika achieved her independence on 9 December 1961. Political independence did not alter economic dependence relationship created under colonial rule. Generally, the nation lacked sufficient trained manpower to replace expatriates who held senior positions in government. They inherited economy was largely dependent on the developed countries relying mostly on export of cash crops and unrestricted foreign investment. Development plans were virtually prescribed by the donor community. Rugumamu (1997) identified 4 problems which the nationalist government confronted soon after taking power: (1) It inherited not only structurally weak and dependent economy, but more importantly, given a weak skilled manpower base, it came to rely on ex-colonial officers to run a new nation. (2) They inherited colonial education was not meant to encourage analytical or opportunities to train specialists for remedying the pressing national problems. (3) The nationalist government administration started with a weak institutional and organisational capacity to define, defend, and develop comprehensive long term development plans, and strategies of the new nation. (4) On attaining independence, the new government had to be run by politicians who lacked the necessary functional skills and experience to manage the various apparatus of the modern state. This is due to the fact that under British colonial rule, no government employees could join or participate in any political association, and more serious, the senior administrative posts were restricted to white personnel. This explains why nationalist government was forced to inherit the colonial government personnel and all its institutions like bureaucracy, law, the army, police and their institutionalized norms and practices. It was a neo-colonial state per se that still depended on the metro-pole to carry out its socio-economic and political functions. Such dependence on former colonial institutions was inappropriate and dangerous to the survival and proper functioning of the independent government. This is because such people had little regard, loyalty, sympathy or commitment to the nationalist development aspirations which for a long time they had hated and had striven to undermine. In the absence of national experts, former colonial officers were at liberty to influence national policies, and plans; to select and design projects and programmes in the manner they pleased. Independence brought about the challenge of nation building. The nationalist leaders found themselves confronted with new tasks of nation building in a politically hostile and economically competitive international environment. II. Nation Building Cliffe (1969) identified 4 issues that were involved in the building of a nation. These were: (1) the transfer of power, (2) the security of the nation, (3) forging new institutions and (4) ideology and development strategies. (1) The transfer of power was the first and immediate task for the nationalist government. This was followed by the process of Africanisation. Because the Europeans were leaving, fastest means were to be found to decolonize and Africanize administration, political system, civil service, commerce, industry and agriculture. However, it is important to note that this process also made few Africans who now controlled civil service and institutions to enjoy more income and higher standard of living than the ordinary people. Some became highly corrupt rather than being leaders who were politically and economically responsible to the people. (2) Security question of the nation was the other issue which was at the heart of the nation building process. Serious concerns for security began in 1964 after the army mutiny. The cause of the mutiny was soldiers discontent about the low speed of Africanizing the army which was largely under European officers. The troops were disarmed, but this provided a lesson to the government to be more conscious. A serious reorganisation of the army took place including replacement of both commissioned and non-commissioned soldiers with new men from the party and TANU Youth League. In 1964 the trade union movement was also restructured and as a result a single National Union of Tanganyika Workers (NUTA) was established to replace the independent unions and TFL (Tanganyika Federation of Labour). In another move in the same year the government embarked on non-alignment policy to avoid cold war politics. On 26 April 1964 Tanganyika and Zanzibar united to form the United Republic of Tanzania. Tanzania was also deeply involved in the liberation struggles during this period. In recognition of this commitment OAU made Dar es Salaam the headquarters of the Liberation Committee. (3) The issue of forging new institutions was also instrumental in nation building. To contain a greater range of economic, political and cultural influence on still immature state, effective organization was required in order to act together for common goal. (a) In 1963 the post of local chiefs was removed and party extended its structures and organization to the grass root level. (b) In 1965 one party system was institutionalized. One problem emerged after independence namely emergence of social differentiation among Africans. Africanization made new elites using the wealth they had acquired from leadership position to enjoy expensive and conspicuous style of living. They also acquired property and shares as well as directorship in private companies. A new bureaucratic class of African elite was emerging. It was the Arusha Declaration of 1967 which among other things arrested this trend and defined the course in which the new nation was to be built. (4) The new ideology was based on the tenets of socialism and self-reliance. This will be discussed in the next lecture. Other challenges which pre-occupied leaders in the 1960s with respect to nation building were as follows: (i) Gaining the confidence of the people and restoring African dignity. This could be achievd by getting rid of discrimination in social services, economy and politics, but also by Africanizing the civil service. (ii) The differences that had developed between TANU and the labour union was the other important challenge. TANU and the labour union had worked mutually together in struggling for independence, but after independence clashes started to emerge particularly on question of wage increase. In 1964, the government suspended TFL and its affiliated unions and its place National Union of Tanganyika Workers (NUTA) was established and it executive was appointed by the President. Following the Union of Tanganyika and Zanzibar in 1964 the question of catering for the new union emerged. This was effected in 1965 by the One Party State. (iii) Another challenge to nation building concerned the question of national foreign policy. As stipulated by Nyerere, then President of Tanzania, the pillars of foreign policy included: -Protection of the integrity and security of the country. -Support for African Liberation and Freedom from racist oppression. -Support of the United Nations in its search for peace and justice. -Promotion of African Unity. -Non-alignment. The policy of non-alignment was geared towards promotion of peace, justice, and unity, as well as harnessing external resources for national development. Given the political concerns which the newly independent government became preoccupied with, Rugumamu (1997:110) argues that little time and efforts were devoted to assessing critically the forms and content of national economy and it relation to the national income system. There existed a strong and mistaken belief among the top state leadership which assumed that actors in the world economy played fairly and that global economy worked in the interests of participants. These wrong assumptions made leaders accept uncritically foreign advice on economic policies and development plans. III. Development Planning In 1961 the World Bank assessed resources available in Tanzania and recommended on how to develop those resources and their financial implications. The World Bank report became the basis for the Three Year Development Plan (1961-1964) and the First Five Year Development Plan (1964-1969). The World Bank concluded this study after being requested by Britain. The First Three Year Development Plan (1961-1964) signifies the move by Britain to ensure that British colonial policies and interest continued to operate in the post-colonial period with as little interruption as possible. The plan was based on traditional theory which stipulated that rapid economic growth and development in the South would only be through infusion and diffusion of capital, expertise and technology from the North. Foreign capital was also expected to reduce the gap between the North and South. The three year development plan and others that followed were largely enforced by policy impacts of foreign advisors and consultancy reports. (1) The report advised on general economic development with special emphasis on agriculture and foreign investment. (2) They also recommended the country to embark on import substitution industrialization and processing of raw materials. (3) Also recommended institutionalization of a liberal investment code, promotion of private sector, and for the government to concentrate on the provision of social and economic infrastructure. (4) The assumption was to improve the socio-economic infrastructure and crate a conducive investment climate so that private investors would be attracted to Tanzania. However, it is important to note that the new government did not have the capacity to generate comparable quality studies on which to base its alternative policy proposals or the requisite capacity to improve upon those made by foreign agencies (Rugumamu 1997:114). As noted earlier, the new government depended on ex-colonial experts to implement the policies. These experts could not criticise the recommendations made in the policies and plans. The plans fostered underdevelopment. The plans were implemented without reflecting their conformity to the national socio-cultural and economic needs. The plans thus fostered greater dependence and underdevelopment. The First Five Year Plan, for instance, was assumed to end the country’s reliance on export of primary commodities by creating and promoting industry and agriculture. Agriculture and manufacturing were expected to play the leading role in the economy. But the plans depended too heavily on foreign aid largely from Britain and Germany. However, the ambitions of Tanzania to get huge foreign aid to execute the plan were frustrated by diplomatic clashes that developed between Tanzania and Britain and West Germany, and later with the United States. The class between Tanzania and Britain was over the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in 1965 by the white minority in Smith Rhodesia, supported by Britain. In the event Britain took no action to restore majority rule in the colony. Tanzania was one of the African countries that broke off diplomatic relations with Britain in reaction. Britain responded by cutting aids. Tanzania lost around 19.5 million dollars of aid (Rugumamu 1997: 120). 2. The second clash between Tanzania and West Germany was over Tanzania’s decision to recognise two Germany (East and West Germany) and her intentions to welcome both German governments to be represented in Tanzania. This move angered West Germany and she responded by cutting aid to Tanzania worth 17.5 million dollars (ibid). The two incidences reveal how the big powers can restore to aid as instrument of dominating the weaker poor nations. From those disputes Tanzania leadership learned at least 3 lessons: (a) It became increasingly apparent that relations among actors in the international system were chiefly government by distribution of power among them. The domination of the South by the North became obvious. (b) It became obvious that it is unrealistic to plan national development by relying on foreign aid and those donors and recipient interests are incompatible. (c) Aid was instrument of foreign policy and that unconditional reliance on foreign aid was bound to compromise national sovereignty. LECTURE 23: THE ARUSHA DECLARATION I. Introduction 1. In the last lecture it was shown how the government of independent Tanzania struggled in the first 6 years to develop the country within the inherited model of development. -Building on the colonial model, plans to develop agriculture and manufacturing based on attraction of investment and aid from the North got completely stuck because political and diplomatic directions went contrary to the requirements of donors. 2. By 1966 it was clear that the inherited model would not bring fast development. Thus you have the birth of the Arusha Declaration in 1967. II. Birth of the Arusha Declaration 1. Its promulgation: The Arusha Declaration was adopted on 5 February 1967 by the National Executive Council (NEC) of TANU in Arusha. The Declaration gave guidelines on the intent to build a socialist society. It was a sort of vision for Tanzania that set out economic and social priorities. It was also a critique of the post colonial situation as was experienced in the first five years. It aimed to challenge the capitalist way of development which Nyerere had already criticized since the early years of independence. In this regard the Declaration wanted to check capitalist development in Tanzania. 2. Socialism and Self Reliance: The Declaration was rooted in socialism and self reliance. It was realized that it was difficult to build national capitalism. By socialism the declaration meant public ownership of means of production, distribution and consumption. This implied greater interventionist role of the state. It also meant mutual cooperation by people for their socio-economic survival. Communal villages were a result of this view. The policy of self-reliance had two dimensions. (a) Internally it sought to mobilize domestic resources, land and people so as to minimize excessive dependence on foreign aid. This would safeguard Tanzanian independence and freedom (Nyerere, 1968: 248). (b) Externally it aimed at empowering the state and its institutions to establish international cooperation which would facilitate economic development as well as enhance political autonomy (Rugumamu, 1997:123). So at the heart of the Arusha Declaration was the internalisation of socio-economic development. It did not however ignore the role of external aid. The government admitted that it was unable to provide the basic need of people. But it also stipulated that aid from foreign countries should not constitute the basis for Tanzanian development. The Declaration underscored that only aid that did not endanger the country’s freedom to make key policy decisions and consistent to policy of socialism and self-reliance should be accepted. The Declaration generally underlined the dangers of relying on foreign assistance, emphasised hard work and agricultural development. It put less emphasis on industrial and urban development (Havnevik, 1993:42). 3. In the same year (September 1967) the policy document known as Socialism and Rural Development was issued. It aimed at promoting ujamaa. The concept of ujamaa implied a commitment to a collective way of rural production, life and society. Other related policy documents were Education for Self Reliance issued in March 1967; TANU Guidelines in February 1971 and Decentralisation policy of May 1972. These will be discussed as we continue with this lecture. The main outlines of the Tanzania socialist programme were: (1) Public ownership and control of the major means of production. (2) Self reliance and elimination of exploitation. (3) Establishment of democracy and equality. (4) Establishment of socialist agriculture in Ujamaa Villages. (5) Establishment of party supremacy. (6) Establishment of welfare services to all areas. III. General analysis of the Declaration 1. It is argued (Maliyamkono, et al, 1986) that the declaration was based on broader nationalist paradigm and that its primary aim was to change the direction of societal development so that the TANU leadership, the bureaucrats and the social base of the nationalist movement would grow closer together. It gave a code of controlling the use of political powers by the party and government. The policies that emphasised equality and self reliance meant to open a space for consensus which was disappearing. The Declaration appealed more to the people because its language was not only economic and political, but echoed certain religious and cultural chords (Frostin, 1988:1). The period between 1967 and 1973 was largely a period of policy formulation. Policies emphasized social equality and through nationalization, created space for Africanization and Tanzanization of the economy. Thus policies in post-Arusha Declaration represented attempts to meet these nationalist aspirations and demands. 2. The second five year development plan (1969-1974) aimed at translating the Declaration into concrete policy programmes. An analysis of Tanzania development after the Arusha Declaration up to 1973 shows a significant increase of influence of state in development programmes. State intervention in rural production during the period involved moving people into nucleated villages, promotion of communal farming and fight against capitalist elements. Moving people to nucleated villages was associated with expansion of social services such as health, water, transport and education. These were integral policies of socialism/ ujamaa which urged people to live together. 3. On the other hand the new policy of direct state control of the economy accelerated the speed of creation of parastatal companies. These aimed at reducing the transfer of profits out of Tanzania to expand investment in productive sectors and to improve infrastructures. The Standing Committee on Parastatal Organisations (SCOPO) was created in 1967. 4. The TANU guidelines of February 1971 emphasized the role of the vanguard party. The party was to take the leading role. In this respect the party had the power to set national goals, organize people, supervise the implementation of party’s policies, supervise conduct of leaders and guide people’s actions. In principle the party became the central authority and key player in economic and political as well as social life of Tanzania. Sources: See end of lecture 24. LECTURE 24: SECTORAL DEVELOPMENT AFTER THE ARUSHA DECLARATION Sources: Nyerere, J. (1968), “Arusha Declaration: Socialism and Self Reliance”, in Nyerere, Freedom and Socialism. Maliyamkono et al. (1986), The Challenge for Tanzania’s Economy. Havnevik, K.K.J. (1993), Tanzania: The Limit to Development from Above. Collier, P. (1987), Aid and Economic Performance in Tanzania. Mbunda, F.L. “Primary Education since 1961” in Hinzen, H and Hurdsforfer, V.H. (eds.), The Tanzanian Experience. Rugumamu, M. (1997), Lethal Aid: The Illusion of Socialism and Self-Reliance. Skarstein, R and Wangwe, S. (1986), Industrial Development in Tanzania: Some Critical Issues. I. Introduction This is a continuation of the previous lecture. Sectoral analysis will enable us to see how the performance departed from the inherited model. Generally speaking the economic programmes of the Arusha Declaration are considered to have failed. Is this a fair conclusion? Let us look at the sectoral performance carefully in order to form an opinion. II. Agriculture Socialism and Rural Development Outlined the process of building socialism in rural areas and more importantly the formation of Ujamaa villages where people would live together and cooperate mutually in agricultural production.The Second Five Year Development Plan favoured Ujamaa Villages in allocating social services like health, schools, dispensaries and water. The aim was to encourage people to go to those villages. Around 1973, state intervention in rural areas took a new turn. Between 1973 and 1976 there was intensive implementation of villagization. The government had to use force and other coercive measures to achieve its goal. Between 1973 and 1975 the number of people in nucleated villages jumped from 2,028, 164 to 9,140,229. Villagization process continued and by 1980 there were 14,179,299 people or 91.4 per cent of the rural population in 8269 villages (Maliyamkono et.al, 1986: 42). 1. New agricultural producer price policies were introduced in 1973. These aimed at influencing agricultural production with emphasis food crops so as to enhance food production. Farmers’ organizations had no say in price determination and the essence of this was the transfer of financial surplus from the peasantry to the state (Havnevik, 1993: 48). 2. Agricultural marketing also faced major new initiatives from the state. From 1972 government crop authorities began to be established. When villagization implementation was finalized in 1976, the government simply banned the cooperative unions. Instead, each village was made a primary society and authorities were responsible for crop purchase, processing and sale. So this is the period of state intervention in agriculture as reflected in villagization, agricultural marketing, producer price policies and a recourse to legal and coercive methods like bye-laws. 3. But also one new feature of rural development appeared in the wake of villagization: the massive flow of foreign capital into agricultural production. Instead of foreign capital being channelled through the government or its financial institutions such as Tanzania Rural Development Bank, as it used to be, now foreign capital began to be fell more directly and this emphasised intensive farming systems, crop rotation,, soil conservation, integrated crop and animal production, etc. Also emphasised credits for farm implements, extension services, etc. In 1976 National Agriculture Development Project (NAP) was established by the government. Kleemier (1981) argues that, to implement NAP, the government invited comprehensive development plan for regions. The country was thus parceled out to different donors, some of whom only participated either in the planning or the financing stage, while others participated in both. The overall result was the direct participation of foreign donors in grass root agricultural production (Maliyamkono, et al). Not much was achieved in the two decades following the Arusha Declaration to make agriculture the backbone of the country’s economy. The drought which engulfed Tanzania in the 1970s reduced grain production by as much as 30 per cent.This period was also characterized by famine which was largely induced by government emphasis on cash crops for foreign currency at the expense of food as well as the massive movements of people into villages (villagization) which destroyed existing food supply organizations. To show that agriculture was in crisis, the 1970s experienced massive food importation to fight starvation. In 1974-5 Tanzania imported 550,000 tons of maize, 210,000 tons of wheat, 130,000 tons of rice at a cost of over Tshs. 1.4 billion (ten times the amount of the preceding four years). (Maliyamkono, et. al, 1986: 41). The tendencies towards agricultural stagnation in Tanzania during the 1970s were the only most serious of the economic problem emerging. Maliyamkono et al, show that by early 1980s, hailed as the focus of the country’s development effects, had been ignored. Exports declined. For example, sisal declined to 61,200 tons in 1983 which represented 31% of the 1961 volume. Basic food crops such as maize, rice and wheat also declined, and the country had to import food. These two decades after the Arusha Declaration (1967) agriculture output signified decline and stagnation. III. Industry The Arusha Declaration favoured nationalization of the major means of production and exchange so that they are controlled by the state on behalf of the people. But nationalization was to be associated with compensations, retention of foreign management and continuation of partnership arrangements between pubic parastatals and foreign firms in order to facilitate technology transfer and training of Tanzanians. What we can realize from nationalization, therefore, is that it did not signal total disengagement from capitalism. The country embraced capitalist elements and this indirectly translated in the continuation of the drain of surplus capital to the metropolitan countries. More importantly it signified the failure of government to establish total control over finance, production, distribution and consumption. Industrially, the Arusha Declaration de-emphasized industrialization as development path because Tanzania had no necessary sources for the sector and the foreign policy was against external dependence. That is why the second five year development plan developed on comprehensive plan for industrialization. However in 1973, the government had established Small Scale Industry Development Organisation (SIDO). Such industries could essentially depend on utilising local resources, develop technical skills in the villages, emphasizing self reliance philosophy, providing extra economic activity in rural areas, using small capital and reducing rural urban imbalance. In 1973 the government invited economists from Harvard Institute of Industrial Development to make recommendations on the long term industrial strategy. The consultation resulted into the long term industrial strategy (1975-95). It emphasized the following. 1. Provision of basic need goods for Tanzania. 2. Develop capital goods industries. 3. Expanding agro-processing industries, training and research. 4. Promoting small scale industries especially in rural areas. Because to a large extent that strategy was recommended by foreign experts, foreign aid to industrial sector increased from 8% annually in the period 1974-76 to 29% in 1977-80 (Collier, 1987) and during the same period foreign aid to agriculture dropped from 18 to 11 per cent (Havnevik, 1993). There is therefore a progressive increase in attention to industrial development at the expense of agriculture by both Tanzania state and its donors. Furthermore private industrial capital continued to play a key role in Tanzania development even after the Arusha Declaration. Industry suffered from low production of labour and capital (Skarstein and Wangwe 1986). An important factor for the problem in industry was agriculture’s inability either to generate sufficient foreign exchange for imports of spare parts and raw materials required by industries, or to supply domestic processing factories with raw materials. For instance, the eleven cashew nut processing factories which were established (with World Bank and Italian support) in the 1970s had a rated annual capacity of processing 103,000 tons. This was below the actual collection figures at the time. By the end of the decade agriculture could only provide about 40,000 tons of cashew nut annually, which implied that six of the 11 factories never processed any cashew nuts at all (Havnevik, 1988:32). Yet Tanzania had to repay the World Bank loans, if she had to expect another international assistance and loans. Assessing industrial development, (Maliyamkono et al, 1986) argued that the import dependence of industry and the lack of funds to pay for those inputs had severely retarded industrial production which in 1983 operated at only 30% of the capacity and contributed only 5.8 per cent of GNP. The industrial problem had a clear impact on the country’s trade deficit which reached Shs. 5484 million in 1983, a 20 percent average annual increase over the preceding decade. Poor performance in the economic sectors as reflected by agriculture and industry in the two decade after the Arusha Declaration meant that the country’s autonomy, independence and viability were challenged. Its ability to provide social services was insecure. In the face of such constraints, dependence on borrowing from foreign capital which had been considered undesirable seemed the only solution. The government embarked on heavy borrowing from external sources of capital. Thus, in 1967 foreign aid was only Shs 100 million. This figure grew at an average annual rate of 32 per cent between 1967 and 1983 when it reached Tshs. 6436 million (Maliyamkono et al, 1986). This signified a contradiction in the policy of self reliance. Despite the struggles to be self reliant economically, Tanzania was becoming increasingly dependent on foreign assistance. IV. Education We shall take education as an example of social services: provision of education for self reliance. The direction of development posed by the Arusha Declaration required a change in the education system in Tanzania, towards a system which will prepare learners to acquire socialist values and be integrated to the community. Education for Self Reliance (ESR) Was an ideological instrument which was to be used to legitimise the state policy of socialism and self reliance as well as the Arusha Declaration at the political level. ESR published in 1967 was a reaction against colonial construction of social reality. It was an attempt by Tanzanian leadership to conceptualize its own educational agenda which was inward looking and tapping the vast knowledge of the people in the rural areas (Roy-Campbell, 1991). An important aspect of ESR was the attempt to make agriculture an integral part of the curricular. Recognizing that Tanzania is basically a rural economy, based mainly on agricultural production, the leadership sought to produce individuals with healthy attitudes towards agriculture. ESR was egalitarianistic and demanded provision of basic education for all members of the society. Basically the document analyses the system and attitudes to education as they had evolved in Tanganyika from the colonial period to post-colonial period. 1. Makes a critique of the inadequacies and inappropriateness of colonial education. 2. It analyses the socio-economic and political realities that existed in 1967. 3. It outlined the kind of society Tanzania was trying to build, i.e a democratic socialist state. 4. It proposes changes designed to transform the education system in order to make it more relevant in serving the needs and aims of socialist society with predominantly rural economy. In order to meet the socialist and vocational goals ESR demanded the following in the system of education: ESR called for classification and improvement of resources of instructional content; it stressed the need to establish educational content from both primary and secondary sources. ESR demanded a change in the content of the curriculum itself, it called for selecting and organizing content which is relevant to the society and which can prepare learners for the life and revival of society. Curriculum must enable people to act upon their environment and change it for their benefits. 3. ESR demanded a change in reaching learning activities and interaction between teachers and learners. It called for learning by doing, integration of theory and practice through experimentation. It involves developing inquiring mind and self confidence. It also calls for change in the social interaction between teachers and learners and other members. 4. ESR demanded integration of schools with the community. Schools must be both social and economic communities and they have to contribute to their upkeep. Schools must develop positive attitudes of learners towards work. 5. ESR demanded re-examination for the purpose of evaluation of student performance. It called for down grading of examinations because they do not get across power to reason, character to or willingness to serve. They encourage rote learning. The key component was the desire for Universal Primary Education (UPE). Mbunda (1979:93) shows that in the Second Five Year Development Plan (1969-74) government proposed a progressive increase in standard one enrolments and that the percentage of enrolment could rise from less that 50% in 1969 to universal entry by 1989. In 1974 TANU National Executive Meeting passed what came to be known as Musoma Resolution which reinforced the educational directives laid out in ESR. Schools were explicitly directed to integrate work into the curriculum. Primary school leaving examinations were decentralized so that they could be more relevant to the pupils’ environment. Re-emphasize assessment of the pupils’ day to day achievements. The Musoma Resolution decreed that within 3 years arrangements must be completed to make primary education accessible to all children of school age. This made introduction of UPE in 1977. Adult education was another aspect. 1. Starting 1969 adult education got a boost when it was transferred from the Ministry of Rural Development and Regional Administration to the Ministry of Education. 2. Mwalimu Nyerere announced that 1970 would be adult education year. Financial and human resources were diverted to Adult Education. It was a means of making peasants understand socialism and self reliance as well as rural development. Primary schools became centres for adult programmes as well. A lot more can be said about the achievements of both UPE and Adult Education programs. Statistics of achievement are available. But the economic development difficulties meant that resources for the education programmes were also declining. By the 1980s both UPE and Adult Education were becoming historical achievements which were no longer current. Since 2002 we have seen a new drive for universal primary education through borrowing from World Bank institutions. LECTURE 25: ECONOMIC LIBERALISATION AND MULTYPARTY POLITICS Sources: Max Mmuya and Amon Chaligha,(1992), Towards Multiparty Politics, DUP. Mmuya and Chaligha, (1994), Political Parties and Democracy in Tanzania, DUP. Chinwezu (1993), “Africa and the Capitalist Countries”, General History of Africa, Vol VIII, pp. 769-797. Iba Der Thiam and James Mulira, (1993), “Africa and the Socialist Countries”, General History of Africa, Vol VIII, pp. 798-828. I. Introduction 1. There is no doubt that these two topics “economic liberalization” and “multiparty politics” are related. We know that economic position forms the base or backbone of the activities of society. The other activities: politics, social relations, etc. reflect what happens at the base. 2. Nothing illustrates this behavior better than what happened in Tanzania after independence. We have discussed how the inherited colonial model failed to meet expectations of quick development in order to overcome problems inherited from the colonial regime. The adoption of Ujamaa in 1967 was a way of bringing in a new hope based on ideology. For most of the 1970s, this seemed to have offered solution, but towards the end of the 1970s the hope disappeared. 3. There was a deep crisis which started towards the end of the 1970s and became deeper and deeper in the early years of the 1980s. 4. Economic liberalization beginning mid 1980s was a response to the crisis which had touched many aspects of Tanzania society. 5. By the end of the 1980s debate about plural politics came in. This was in fact a demand for political liberalization. Was this surprising? II. The Late 1970s Economic Crisis 1. According M.S.D Bagachwa, the economic crisis in Tanzania is indicated by negative economic growth such as: (a) A declining real GDP from 5.1% between 1970-76 to 1.2% between 1980-85. (b) Declining per capital income growth from 2.5% between 1965-70 to 1.6% between 1980-85. (c) Soaring inflation rates of less than 10% per annum between 1970-76 to 31% between 1980-85. (d) Rising budget deficits to 19% of GDP in 1979 and deterioration of balance of payment from a surplus of US Dollar 137 million in 1977 to deficit of US Dollar 395 million in 1985. (Bagachwa, 1991: 45-46). 2. The economic crisis was the outcome of declining performance in different sectors of the economy during the 1970s as we have already seen in agriculture and industry. 3. Budgetary constraints increased as Tanzania was forced to spend a lot of her revenues to pay for increased costs of oil supplies and the 1979 Iddi Amin war. 4. The end result of the crisis was the declining state capacity to meet expectations of its people. This was exacerbated by inefficient state economic management and the worsening terms of trade for Tanzania. Unfortunately, this situation helped to strengthen demands for concessions from the weakened state. Agents of international finance capital, such as World Bank and IMF and other donor agencies pushed the state to concede more leverage to private entrepreneurs, non-governmental organizations and other civil organizations at the expense of the welfare state. 5. Economic liberalization constitutes one of the efforts of mitigating the crisis. III. Economic Liberalization One of the results of adoption of Ujamaa was state control of all economic activities. Under the economic crisis the state was failing to meet requirements of the people. Hardships caused by lack of essentials and rationing of food items and other essentials causing long crues especially in urban areas. 1. Economic liberalization consists of all actions allowed by the state to ease the prevailing hardship. Such actions included import trade liberalization, devaluation of the shilling, introduction of school fees, removal of subsidies and retrenchment of workers. -Some of these had the effect of undermining earlier import substitution industry policy. 2. While liberalization of the economy was going hand in hand with efforts to restructure the economy under the influence of IMF and World Bank, the real effect was on individual citizens who began to assert themselves in the bid “to brace through the crisis in order to make a living”. (Mmuya and Chaligha, 1992:16). 3. During the crisis (1980-85), leaders were partial extending permits for access food supplies only to their like. Equality and other good statements appeared to be slogans. A new basis of struggling for survival began to form. 4. With the liberalization of the economy from mid 1980s there followed a liberalization of ideas and institutional arrangements which supported them. (a) Economic and business groups which included traders, industrial producers in towns, farmers etc. While economic in character, have political interests. Some big businesses have sponsored political activities. (b) Grassroots associations which range from local development agencies to non governmental organizations. Of the 168 nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) registered by 1990, 80% were registered between 1984 and 1990. Some of the opposition political groups come from these organizations. (c) Religious organizations. From mid 1980s there was upsurge of both Islamic and Christian groups- some of them with forms of fanaticism. What is important is that from mid 1980s people started to look for alternative ideology. IV. Political Liberalization Many people see the collapse of the Soviet Union and Eastern European regimes as the main source of introduction of multipartism in Tanzania and many other African states. The main reason for such intimation is the timing. Mikhail Gorbacheve introduced Perestroika (or restructuring) and Glasnost (or openness) and started political upheavals of 1989-90 which changed the political position of the whole area. -Monopolistic politics became a story of the past. -Shortly after this Tanzania also initiated debate about abandoning the single party system. -CCM was fast enough to learn from the development. -Mwalimu Nyerere (as Chairman of CCM) advised initiation of debate in 1990. -But in reality there was a long historical background to this growth of preference to pluralism in politics. 1. The limits of single party system had become apparent: In the liberation period, single party had become an important source of strength in unity. But in time of crisis its inflexibility and lack of capacity to act quickly became frustrating. It became more bureaucratic and unable to act to solve problems of the people. 2. The changing perception about the nature of society and politics appeared. The original idea of leadership’s image of simplicity and committed service was replaced by image of conflict, tension, greed and self interest. This new image did not occur in the minds of the people until the late 1970s (at the time of economic crisis). 3. Emergence of new socio-political groups during the period of economic liberalization in the 1980s (as already mentioned). 4. Crisis of the state whose intensity appeared more visibly from mid 1980s. There were three major features of this: (a) Policy shifts and turns. Pressures to give up its basic pillars of policy direction. In 1987, almost two years of the first Economic Recovery Programme, CCM came up with 15 years Party Programme for Economic and Social Development. The two policies were wholly opposed. But while the government programme had budget that of CCM did not. The party itself had to finally give in to the new policies and their philosophical basis when it had to rework its Ujamaa formulations in Feb. 1991 under the banner of the Zanzibar Proclamation. (b) The bureaucratic impact to which we have already referred. (c) The budgetary constraints which reduced the capacity of the government to finance essential projects and services. (d) The crisis of the state eventually drove the country towards multiparty politics. All these factors were internal; the collapse of Soviet Union and Eastern Europe was an external factor which brought about the timing. But there was another external factor which proceeded it. This was Western pressures. The Western World had all along opposed single party system. Also for ideological and strategic grounds, they would prefer to see proliferation of the Western type of political regimes. So through pressures exerted from state to state relations and through the activities of IMF and World Bank, and influence of individual donor agencies, the point was already been discussed at the time of Eastern collapse. V. Introduction of Multiparty Politics Thus, in July 1992 Tanzania introduced legislation giving freedom of political association as a basic framework for development of multipartism and hence democracy. It is interesting to note how fast this system was taken up. As of December 1992, 34 political organizations (or proto-political parties) had been formed. At their peak in 1993, the groups reached 51. By May 1, 1994 the number had declined and the political parties that received permanent registration became 13. Conclusion What is your impression about the performance of these parties so far? LECTURE 26: FROM NEO-COLONIALISM TO GLOBALISATION Sources: Chinweizu (1993), “Africa and the Capitalist Countries” in Mazrui, Ali and Wondi C. (eds.), Africa since 1935, General History of Africa, Vol VIII, pp. 769-797. Wangwe, S.M. (2000), “Globalisation and Marginalisation: Africa’s Economic Challenge in the 21st Century” in Othman, H. (ed.), Reflections on Leadership in Africa: Forty Year after Independence. 3. Aina, Tade Akin, Globalization and Social Policy in Africa: Issues and Research 4. Direction. CODESRIA Working Paper Series 6/96. 4. M.S.D Bagachwa, “Impact of Adjustment Policies on Small Scale Enterprise Sector in Tanzanian Economic Trends”. A Quarterly Review of the Economy, Vol. 4, No. 2 (July, 1991), pp. 45-46. I. Introduction We have noted the process of integration of Tanzanian communities into the international capitalist system developed by Western countries. This happened in four phases, each of which seemed to cause more hardship on the communities themselves while making the Western countries involved stronger and stronger economically. The reasons should be obvious if we realize that the capitalist system is exploitative; it always strives to maximize profits. 1. During the competitive stage Tanzanian communities were drawn into the system through caravan trade controlled from Zanzibar. 2. This only lasted for a short period as it was succeeded by the monopoly phase of capitalism known as imperialism which ushered in the colonial period. 3. After independence we have noted the period of frustration which continued to be more intense as time passed. Political independence did not mean economic independence. The phase has normally been known as neo-colonialism. 4. Finally the West came to see that capitalism was in complete control of global economic activities and advocated globalization. The first two phases have been adequately discussed. In this final lecture we want clarify the last two phases. II. Neo-Colonialism The concept of neo-colonialism has been used to describe the kind of relationship which remained after the colonized territory got its political independence from the metropolitan power. Flag independence left all economic relations undisturbed. 1. As we said before, the economic characteristics of the colonial state were inherited by the independent state (See Chinweizu, 1993: 770-71). 2. Neo-colonialism has another form which makes its exploitative apparatus more oppressive; this is multilateralism. It originated from “the Bretton woods agreement of 1945 which created under American leadership three primary economic institutions: IMF, the World Bank and GATT”. The function of IMF which came into operation in 1947 was to deal with difficulties posed by balance of payments surpluses and deficits from international trade. On the other hand World Bank went into operation in 1946 with the task of encouraging “capital investment for the reconstruction and development of its member countries”. The third institution, GATT (The General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade) which began its work in 1948 was intended to promote “multilateral trade through minimizing trade barriers, reducing import tariffs and quotas, and discouraging preferential trade agreements between countries”. (Chinweizu, p.772). As it can be seen the system came out of World War II intending to strengthen the international capitalist system. The United Nations (the UN) was the political forum for international affairs. Later the creation of the European Economic Community (EEC) and the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) expanded multilateral trade beyond the colonial monopolistic system by the time Tanzania and other African states gained independence. Thus: 1. Neo-colonialism was a new form of colonialism in which a colonized African state found itself dependent not only on the former colonizing power, but now was open to pressures from a number of multilateral organizations as well as multinational trading organizations. This was happening at the time independent African states remained dependent on the inherited colonial economic system with its emphasis on production of cash crops for export. 2. In Tanzania, like many other African states, political independence came with an expectation of rising standards of living, increasing incomes, improving social services and provision of good infrastructure. In order to import what was required from the metropole to maintain satisfactory standards, more foreign exchange was required. The colonial system of emphasizing cash crop for export had to be maintained and emphasized. 3. Yet, as years passed, the rapid transformation failed to materialised. Foreign investment and foreign aid did not come as expected. The standard of living was not rising because incomes were falling and national debt was mounting. Need for foreign exchange was increasing. What was wrong? -The independent state inherited the colonial structure which could not easily be transformed. -The economy was still grossly dependent on the outside world despite political independence. -The expanded metropole of the West was operating in a formula to continue to strengthen capitalist exploitation in its relationship with the periphery now considered the “Third World”. -Tanzania may have suffered more because of its radical liberal political leaning in the early 1960s. But all African states faced the same kind of hardship. 4. Western recipe for development was intended to deepen the level of dependence (as we have noted). 5. Ujamaa was introduced in 1967 as a way of avoiding the prolonged frustration. Clearly socialism was not the road accepted by the West; African states which chose this method were treated harshly especially since this was the period of “cold war” The reaction of the West was also coloured by need to protect investments, since there was nationalization. But since Tanzania maintained the economic linkage with the West, the dependency syndrome continued. 6. Between 1974 and 1984 there were various efforts for economic decolonization which did not work. IMF and World Bank recipies also did not help. By mid- 1980s these efforts had completely failed to achieve what was intended. 7. In the late 1980s the collapse of the “cold war” and triumph of the capitalist system created two tendencies: liberalization of the economies and pluralism in politics. The liberalization in economic activities was a triumph of the capitalist open market system which had come to be recognized as globalization. III. Globalization S.M. Wangwe (2000) defines globalization as “more integration of different parts of the world into a global village. It is associated with rapid advances in technology, growth of world trade and competition and policy change toward economic liberalisation”. This is the result of triumph of capitalism after the collapse of Soviet Union and the coming to an end of the Cold war which had divided the world into two competing camps, the Western camp dominated by capitalism and the Eastern bloc dominated by socialism. But then, why should third world or Tanzanian marketing system in the globalized market collapse? One can answer: “Globalisation has transformed the way in which the dominant forces in the global economy have come to define their interest in the world outside their own home base. These are no longer focussed, as they were in earlier phases, on ensuring access to cheap raw materials in the periphery plus whatever degree of access to foreign commodity markets could be obtained that was compatible with maintaining protected access to one’s own home market. The current agenda of transnational capital now seeks much broader and far reaching breaking down of barriers to free movement of commodities and capital across national borders as well as the removal of impediments to the location of production processes in any part of the world. Globalisation has thus been accompanied by increasingly insistent demands for removal of regulatory and other barriers in national states impeding the free movement of commodities, finance and capital, but not labour across the globe”. What is becoming clear is that the colonial economic system with its emphasis on production of raw materials has gradually become marginalized. During the neo-colonial phase African countries were struggling to maintain a small share in world trade through negotiations for preferential trading arrangements through Lome Conventions. But the World Trade Organization (WTO) had been created in the Atlantic system to push multilateral trading arrangements. During this time of globalisation, Third World share of trade is continuing to decline and, if preferential trade arrangements are pushed out altogether, prices of raw materials will continue to drop to make peasant production of them completely unattractive. IV. Conclusion Globalization is a return to the competitive economic system, but at this stage incorporating almost everybody. Most African states are unhappy because of being unprepared for this kind of competition. South-South cooperation has been emphasized as a way out. Multilateral negotiations can help to reduce some pains, but will not change the power of capitalism to destroy less developed modes of production. Chinweizu (p. 789) tells us that we have to re-examine our own performance as well. It will not help to continue to blame our colonial background and inheritance forever. UNIVERSITY OF DAR ES SALAAM COLLEGE OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY AND ARCHAEOLOGY HI 362: HISTORY OF SOUTH AFRICA LECTURE NOTES KARIGO S. KIHOKO , ASSISTANT LECTURER Introduction This course concentrates on the present Republic of South Africa and will seek to establish the historical forces that underpin Apartheid, a system of institutionalised racism, pursued by vigorously during the post-Second World War period. The economic, social and political foundations of South African racism will be traced to the early days of European settlement in the seventeen century. Nonetheless, special attention will be paid to the role of industrialization and urbanisation, ushered in by the mineral revolution of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Significant component of the course will be on economic, social and political control together with different forms of resistances. The last part of the course will deal with the dismantling of Apartheid and the challenges faced in the reconstruction of South Africa into a multi-racial, democratic society and sub-regional power. Module 2: GENERAL SURVEY OF SOUTH AFRICAN HISTORIAOGRAPHY An Overview of Historiography Historiography is a process by which historical knowledge is obtained and transmitted; the ways authors present the materials, the accuracy of the sources used, their readability and the ideological framework used. It is an intellectual standpoint upon which the teaching of different topics may form their base. In other words, historiography enables both teachers and students to understand how different topics that they teach or learn have been approached in the past and how they are being explained in the present. Basically, historiography is concerned with the writing and interpretation of history. It studies the process by which historical knowledge is obtained and transmitted. It examines the position and point of view of the authors, the sources used and the accuracy of the works themselves. Historiography therefore, examines the writing of history and the uses of historical methods drawing basic elements like authorship, sources, interpretation, style, bias and audience. It serves us as a manual of information about histories and historians and thus provides us with a net balance sheet of the contributions which historians have made in the production of historical knowledge. Thus, historiography enables us to assess the value of historical facts presented by historians at a given time and place. This statement further implies that, the production of historical knowledge depends on a particular social formation, political, economic and cultural forces. In this way, South Africa was dominated by Whites up to 1990s who dominated political, economic and cultural aspects and hence dominated the course of historical writing. South African Historiography The historiography of South Africa is so complicated compared with other regions of Africa ie East Africa, North Africa, Central Africa and West Africa. The approach that you have been accustomed to in this topic is quite different. In his book The Changing Past, Trends in South African Historical Writing, Ken Smith identifies five trends in the writing of history in South Africa. These include: British/Imperial Historiography, Settler Historiography, Afrikaner Historiography and Radical Historiography (Smith, 1988:6). Nonetheless, Alan Cobley’s article entitled “Does Social History have Value? The Ending of Apartheid and Recent trends in South African Historiography” shows that a new historiography ie Public History emerged in South Africa soon after the decline of apartheid. In the view of Smith, the great part of South African History was written by Whites notwithstanding the majority of South Africans being black. This is reflected in the classification of historiography of South Africa. It is indisputable fact that the colonial historiography dominated in the production of historical knowledge. Various reasons have been put forward. In his presidential address to the tenth conference of the South African Historical Society in January 1985, Prof.B.A.le Cordeur argued that the Africans and the so called “Coloured” people “have been indoctrinated by the negative cultural stereotypes which the Whites have created of their ancestors to believe that they are not important enough to have history at all”(Smith, 1988:5). Such indoctrinations were made possible through the education system. In the mid 1970s, a survey of the teaching of History in black secondary schools especially in Soweto revealed that in the text books blacks were depicted as useful labourers, dishonest bargainers, foolish farmers and homeland citizens (Smith, 1988:6). As it has been noted, the blacks were denied of their own history due to the prevailing social conditions that favoured the White minority. Until after the Second World War, history was still written centring on the activities of Whites in South Africa. Africans were seen as unchanging and static with no history. In the 1960s, a Professor of History at the Oxford University, Hugh Trover-Roper, wrote “Perhaps in the future, there will be some African history to teach. But at present there is none or very little: there is only the history of the Europeans in Africa. The rest is largely darkness and darkness is not the subject for history….Only European history counted, because the world was dominated by Western European ideas, values and techniques. There was no time to “amuse ourselves with the unrewarding barbarous tribes in impressive but irrelevant corners of the globe” (Smith, 1988: 11). 1. THE BRITISH/IMPERIAL HISTORIOGRAPHY Much of the writings of the British school of thought came out in the 19th century. Their focus was the British colonies seen as part of the British Empire. Writers concentrated on events after the first occupation of the Cape in 1795 ie the activities of the governors, the coming to the Cape of British Settlers, and their activities in the eastern districts, their struggle against the Xhosa on the eastern frontiers, the fate of the British settlers in Natal. They took little attention on the developments at the Cape from 1652-1795 when it was under the control of the Dutch East India Company (Smith, 1988:19). Prominent among the scholars of the British school of thought who condemned the Dutch East India Company and admired the British rule included Egidius Benedictus Watermeyer. [Unlike the majority of scholars in this school of thought, he devoted his attention to the Company rule]. In his Three Lectures on the Cape of Good Hope under the government of the Dutch East India Company which was published in 1857, Watermeyer argued that “the Dutch colonial system at the Cape of Good Hope was almost one without one redeeming feature”(Smith, 1988: 21). The great trek was even considered to be unfortunate aberration [deviation/abnormality] and it was not given importance as far as the British writers before the 1880s were concerned. Africans or Blacks were seen as uncouth, barbaric and unchanging. In 1855, W.C.Holden of the Wesleyan Missionary Society published his book History of the Colony of Natal, South Africa that had idiosyncratic views on the Africans. Commenting on the Africans he wrote: “The Kafirs must be treated like children. They are children of a larger growth and must be treated accordingly. But they are men in physical and mental powers…and the great difficulty in governing them is to treat them as men-children, teaching them that to submit and to obey are essential to their own welfare, as well as to others” (Smith, 1988:22). 2. SETTLER HISTORIOGRAPHY Prominent among the scholars in this camp include George McCall Theal, Gregory Croy and Frank Cana whose works became dominant in the early decades of the 29th century ( ie from 1910-1920s). These scholars in particular, McCall Theal, identified themselves with colonial nationalistic attitudes and adopted a hostile stance against the interference of the British imperialists. They emphasized alliance between the English and the Afikaner [White alliance in South Africa northwards across the Orange and Vaal rivers]. They campaigned for the formation of a new White South African society ruled by Whites of both Anglo-Saxon and Dutch Heritage. Writers in this camp especially Theal, did not see the role played by blacks in the history of South Africa. Instead, the history of South Africa was viewed to be the history of the Whites and their efforts to open up and bring civilisation and Christianity to a wild untamed country. Africans were generally portrayed as fickle barbarians who were prone to robbery and unscrupulous in shedding blood”(Smith, 1988: 37). A few Whites especially missionaries who recognised the contribution of the blacks in the history of South Africa were considered enemies of their fellow Whites. In times of difficulties, it was the blacks and missionaries who were blamed for such a situation. It should however be noted that such a “White view” about Africans was not unique to Theal, it was common throughout the continent. It people were throughout the nineteenth century regarded as being inferior to European values (Smith, 1988: 38). Another writer who is classified into the settler school is Frank Cana whose South Africa from the Great Trek to the Union was published in 1909. In his preface he argued, “the narrative is written without bias, and an endeavour has been made to do justice to both the great races –British and Dutch whose past struggles are recorded” (Smith, 1988: 48). The central focus of the book is about the movements towards a closer union which was formed by the fusion of the British and Dutch peoples of South Africa. Again, as with most settler history, no attention is given to the Africans. They are hardly noticed at all in this history. The dominant history in Cana’s book is the history of how the Whites resolved their differences to establish a white-dominated Union of South Africa (Smith, 1988:49). A general reflection from settler historiography indicates that the blacks were portrayed in a poor light and the British achievement in South Africa was ignored. For example the emancipation of the black slaves made by the British was taken negatively by the settler writers. Settler historiography as it has been pointed out, gave scant attention to the geography and economic history of the region. History was thus presented as a description of continuous chronological series of events rather than an analytical and interpreted facts or events. 3. AFRIKANER HISTORIOGRAPHY This school is also known as Afrikaner nationalist or republican historiography. The majority of the writers in this school were Dutch who became dominant in the 19th century. Prominent among them included Andre du Toit and Herman Giliomee. They interpreted history as a bitter struggle for self-preservation and fulfillment into the face of hostile nature and the indigenous people they found in the country (Smith, 1988:58-60). They viewed the British as oppressors and opponents, as sympathizers with black in their struggle against the Boers/Afrikaners. Their history stressed a strong sense of Afrikaner history and nationalism with strong anti-colonial and anti-imperial image of the past. Their history revolved around two events: The Great Trek of the mid 1830s and The Anglo-Boer War of 1899-1902. These events were the main focus of the Afrikaner writers and remained so until the last quarter of the 20th century. Afrikaner writers considered the whole period as dynamic with peculiarly romantic one. It was a period of great epic achievements by the Afrikaner people. The Afrikaner saw the Great Trek as one of the key events in South African history. In 1963, C.F.J.Muller who was for many years Professor of History at the University of South Africa, stressed its importance as largely being responsible for the borders of the country; it had given direction to the country’s racial policies and influenced political thinking. For the Afrikaner, the Trek was the first genuine republican period in which the Afrikaner through series of heroic deeds, secured their own identity and laid down policies with regard to the blacks (Smith, 1988:70). In other words, Afrikaner writers believed that the Great Trek divided them and the Anglo-Boer war united them; in both cases the imperial factor was the determinant factor. Their history concentrated on fostering Afrikaner identity, unity and consciousness. The intention was to acquaint young generation with ideas of Afrikanerhood as one of the writers stressed: “What Afrikaner is there, whose heart does not miss beat when he reflects on the reasons for exodus? Anyone who remains cool after reading the oppression, injustice and disasters suffered by the poor Boer is unworthy of the name of Afrikaner” (Smith, 1988:61). In general, Afrikaner historiography identified Afrikaners as God chosen people who were placed in the Cape as separate people to go forth and bring light to the heathens. They urged the Afrikaners in the Cape and those of the Free State to form one Afrikaner nation. Like other historiographical traditions as it has already been pointed out, Afrikaner historiography ignored the role of the blacks in the history of South Africa. Their historiography was full of myths considering themselves as God’s chosen people. It was coloured by mystical belief in the development of Afrikaner nation to complete independence (Smith, 1988: 64). 4. LIBERAL HISTORIOGRAPHY It emerged in the 1920s and became dominant in the 1960s. Liberal historiography emerged to counterattack the racist historiography, a school of thought that was anti-black and represented a white view point. It emerged within the context of rapid industrialization and socio-economic problems accompanied with it, the political awakening of the blacks and the new situation of black poverty alongside and in competition with poverty in the economically integrated urban communities (Smith, 1988: 103). Unlike other traditions of South African historical writings, the liberal school had very few writers [historians]. Prominent among them included W.M.Macmillan and his student C.W. de Kiewiet. The other scholar in this school included J.S.Marais and E.A Walker. They wrote at a time when many thinking people were concerned with the effects of urbanization and industrialization in South Africa. Macmillan wrote in the 1920s in an age of depression drawing attention on the emergence of the Poor White and the resurgence [reappearance] of Afrikaner nationalism after the Second Anglo-Boer War. Few years later, De Kiewiet wrote for a different audience. His work was looking at South Africa in the context of the British Empire when the threat of Hitler to that empire was loomed large [became visible] (Smith, 1988: 103-104). What made their work so different from other writings on South African history was that they dealt with social and economic issues and gave greater prominence to the role of blacks in South African history. What was new in their approach was their rejection of a “segregated” history and the placing of people of colour in an integrated past as a factor of equal importance with the Whites. They rejected racial discrimination and evidenced a great concern for black welfare, but they did not actually study black society itself. However, the distinction that other scholars had made between “savagery” and “civilisation” was retained. They still thought in racial terms and saw indigenous black culture inferior. In most cases, they did not see black society as something that should be retained. They envisaged an ideal future in which the blacks would be “civilised” and integrated into the White society. They did not regret the breakup of indigenous society. This explains why, Macmillan saw the frontier wars of the nineteenth century as “mere stages in the triumph of the robust colonial community over the forces of barbarism which hemmed it in” (Smith, 1988:104). 5. RADICAL HISTORIOGRAPHY It emerged in the 1970s and owed much of its immediate impacts to the shortcomings of the Oxford History (Liberal Historiography). It also owed something to a non-academic radical historical phase that formulated new questions of the past in the 1940s and 1950s. Like the missionary-inspired liberal tradition, this writing viewed history essentially from the point of view of the subordinate sections of the society. The roots of this tradition lay in the growing black resistances to the South African government and quite a number of the writers in this tradition, but by means all of them, were black (Smith,1988:155). Writers in this tradition were by no means communists or even communist sympathizers. They wrote history on the point of view of the Marxist influence. For example, E.Roux’s Time Longer than Rope: The Black man’s struggle for Freedom in South Africa was written form the standpoint of the downtrodden (Smith, 1988: 155). In general, writers in this tradition witnessed the banning of the Communist Party thereby retaining the Nationalist Party which disfavoured the interests of the majority blacks of South Africa. It was totalitarian and radical writers strongly opposed totalitarianism. Although black leaders were staunch supporters of the Communist Party, they were affected by the banning of it in 1950 because the communist Act restricted communist activities in South Africa. Radical scholars viewed the history of South Africa as the history of the struggle between the oppressors and the oppressed. For example, Dora Taylor’s The Role of Missionaries in Conquest (1952) was written from a Marxist point of view where it portrayed the liberals as part of the oppressive South African system. In the introduction to her book Taylor wrote that the story of South African history “if truly told, is one of continuous plunder of land and cattle by the European invaders, of the devastation and decimation of people, followed by their economic enslavement. It is a story of treacherous deeds, rapacity seasoned with sanctimonious hypocrisy, of treaties that were not treaties but cyclical legalizing of plunder, of the policy of ‘divide and rule’ carried out with systematic cunning in order to turn one tribe against another, people against another” (Smith, 1988:158). Much of the works which were written condemned the Whites before the international community and charged them with racism, oppression, exploitation, militarism and police-state activities. Historians condemned the Whites for their misdeeds before the international community. According to radical scholars, African history was not yet written. It was to be made and written as part of ongoing struggle between Africans and Whites. In his work, Bernard Makuhosezwe Magubane The Political Economy of Race and Class in South Africa (1979) argued that before the Africans became “Kaffirs”, “Natives” “Bantu” and “Blacks” they were citizens and owners of the land later usurped by their European conquerors. As it has been noted, radical scholars were influenced by Marxist point of view; in this sense, they conceptualised the past (history) in terms of a class struggle and the forces and relations of production. Radical scholars did not see capitalism as beneficial and modernising force. They regarded it as an exploitative system. The major questions that they asked were who owns what? Who does what? Who gets what? Who does what and to whom?. Nonetheless, radical scholars were criticized in the sense that they criticized the liberal scholars without considering the historical context in which they wrote their histories. They concentrated on demonstrating or glorifying the existence of the rationality and the effectiveness of the African response but ignored the cultural and economic weaknesses of the Africans. 6. POSTMODERNISM Until 1994, the dominant historical writing was radical historiography. The main focus of the radical historiography was the desire for Africa from the point of view of the mass ie the exploited Africans. They emphasized on class struggle to eliminate apartheid. Nonetheless, after independence as Allan Cobley attests historical writings faced a great challenge. Soon after independence, historians organized a workshop in Witwatersrand with its main theme being democracy. Consequently, there was a slight move from political history to social and economic history. Historians presented their views from sociological and environmental point of view. They ignored historical research; emphasis was also put in Public History, a kind of history that dealt with: building of a new nation, promotion of redemptive values, emphasis on personal testimonies, identification of new inclusive, speaking of national movements, struggle for education etc. This in 1996, a commission was established to seek truth between the blacks and whites and few years later, a covenant day which was celebrated by the Afrikaners on 16th December, 1839 to mark the anniversary of the battle of blood river was celebrated by Africans on the same day as a day of African heroes. Module 3: INTERFACE BETWEEN CULTURES: SOUTH AFRICA IN THE MERCHANTILE AGE Until the end of the 15th century, South African communities remained isolated from the wider World. The Portuguese explores (beginning with Bathromew Diaz 1487 and Vasco da Gama 1497-1498) opened it for European settlement. By the end of the 16th century, Dutch, English, French and Scandinavian Merchants were also beginning to use the sea route to Asia. In 1649 Dutch men who had witnessed the Table Bay proposed that The Dutch East India Company should occupy the place. In 1652, the company commissioned Commander Jan van Riebeck to build a fort to primarily supply the Dutch fleets with fruits, vegetables and meat. By sending Jan van Riebeck to occupy the Table Bay, the director of the company intended the colony to serve a specific and limited role as a link between Netherlands and their eastern empire, centred on Batavia and Java. Thus, the Table Bay remained just a refreshing station. They had no intention of creating anything more than a small fortified base where annual fleets bound to and fro could meet, make contact, take in fresh water, fruits, vegetables and grains. They did not expect to make the Cape profitable. Nonetheless, within its first decade, the Cape colony began to develop a degree of autonomy and an unforeseen dynamic. By 1662, the Colony had become a complex, racially stratified society. This development was a result of three processes: The process of allowing some employees of the company to become “free burghers” or “Boers” The process of landing slaves on the Cape and using them under the supervision of the Dutch to create infrastructure in the colony (roads, forts, orchards, vegetable gardens etc. Slow expansion of the Dutch settlement from the shore and their enclosure of land for cultivation. Therefore, indigenous South African people first encountered the Whites in the 15th century and in due course, the company discharged more men at the Cape. As a number of Whites increased and people of diverse origin came into South Africa, the relation between the indigenous and the foreigners became complex and diversified. Initially, the company did not make use of slave labour in the Cape. Later on in 1656, they imported slaves from Dahomey and Angola. By the early 18th century slaves at the Cape had acquired two distinctive characteristics. First, slaves at the Cape came from diverse linguistic, religious and social backgrounds. The majority of them were not even from Africa; few came from Mozambique but the majority came from Indonesia and Sri Lanka. Secondly, the slave population was a result of continual imports rather than natural increase. It should be noted that, for the first few years after the arrival of Van Riebeck’s expedition, relations between the Khoikhoi and the Whites were fairly cordial. The Dutch consolidated their bridge head and secured their needs peacefully. They acquired sheep and cattle in exchange for western goods. However, tension soon developed as the Khoikhoi witnessed the building of the fort and the planting of fruit trees, vegetables and crops and more importantly, the engrossment of the land by the first free burghers. All these posed a challenge to the indigenous Khoikhoi. Thus, in 1659 tension over cattle escalated into warfare where the Khoikhoi destroyed setter farms. As the population increased during the 18th century, the burghers became increasingly stratified. At the end of the 18th century, the town had about 1,100 houses with quite a number of large estates. During the company rule, formal education institutions were meager. Few boys and girls were taught basic skills at several elementary schools in towns. The creation of settler community led to conflicts where competition between the two classes of producers ie the senior officials and the most successful settlers. Corruption was nevertheless the way of life of the Dutch East India Company. The company never solved the problem. The resulting tension between the interests of the company and those of settlers were only slightly ameliorated by marriages between officials and burghers’ daughters. Slavery created far most significant division on the Cape society. The relation was rooted in the fact and threat of violence. In general, slaves were: unable to marry, had no right to protest over children, were unable to make legal contracts, unable to acquire property or leave at will, were regarded as exclusive property of the masters, were obliged to obey any order that did not involve any criminal offence and could be sold or bequeathed at will. Generally, the relationship between the indigenous Africans and the White population at the Cape was characterised by paternalism and ideology that structured and legitimised the subordination and exploitation and was expressed in blend of affection and coercion. Several factors reduced/eliminated the distinction [boundaries] between one group and another. However, by the end of the 18th century, these factors did no longer exist; these according to Ralph Elphick and Robert Shell in their book The Shaping of South African Society 1652-1840, included: The process of incorporating indigenous Africans [Khoi khoi] into the European-dominated society as wage-labourers subject to Dutch law. The conversion of slaves and free blacks to Christianity or Islam. Miscegenation and intermarriage among groups. The manumission of slaves and the consequent emergence of an important new group-the free blacks. Cultural exchange among groups (Elphick and Shell,19 :184) The Processes in Detail Conversion to Christianity or Islam The Dutch East India Company realized that it was quite impossible to create a society that was purely European that needed labourers who were not Europeans. Thus, with the notion of racial superiority and racial inferiority complexes, the company wanted to civilize the other races so that they would be incorporated into the European society and be subject to the Dutch law. In an attempt to meet the civilising mission, religion was therefore used to incorporate the Khoikhoi, slaves and free blacks into the European society. Thus once a non-European at the Cape was baptized, was immediately accepted as a member of the Christian community [of the Dutch Reformed Church] and was therefore entitled to his freedom, if a slave. Nonetheless, baptism was not as easy as it would have been expected. Adult candidates were obliged to show some formal knowledge of the doctrines of the Christian faith to satisfy the clergy before they were accepted for baptism ( Elphick and Shell, 19 :186). However, tensions between Christianity and slavery became stronger at the Cape and this did not result in higher rate of manumission but lowered the baptism rates. Slave owners condemned Christianity that it was threatening their property. The historiography of the history of the Cape has overemphasized the role of Christianity and has neglected the role of Islam at the Cape. An Islamic community had by the 18th century been established themselves at the Cape mainly by Muslims from Indonesia. Conversion to Islam was encouraged by both slaves’ exclusion from Christianity and the ministry of Muslim imams who unlike the clergy identified themselves with the black population and performed marriages and funerals which in principle the slaves could not obtain in Christian churches. All in all, between 1652 and 1795 the two religion had already established themselves at the Cape and neither of the two had succeeded to convert the rural Khoikhoi. It seems that the two concentrated themselves at the Cape and none had already ventured to the interior. Miscegenation and Intermarriage This was the second process of incorporating the slaves and Khoikhoi into the Cape Society. Miscegenation was a state in which children were born by parents of different races especially when one parent was a White but not married. Miscegenation or intermarriage was a theoretical process where the black partners and their offspring were incorporated into the Cape Society as a result of sexual union with European settlers and officials. Such sexual union resulted in greater rights or opportunities for the black partners and their offspring (Elphick and Shell, 19 :194). It should however be noted that, from the beginning, concubinage was illegal in the Cape colony under the general Statues of India. In 1678, the company issued a proclamation forbidding all kinds of concubinage lest convicts would be penalized but there is little evidence that such law was enforced. And it should be underscored that in the seventeenth century, Khoikhoi women were much less available and much less coercible than slave women. More importantly, company servants rarely brought their wives at the Cape and this increased the rate of miscegenation (Ibid, p.196). Another process which is closely related to miscegenation was intermarriage between European men and black women. Such marriages were rare, and in most cases were illegal in some colonies especially in the Americas. However the authorities of the Cape did not discourage this. The first interracial marriages were between White men and Bengali women. Bengali women continued to be the favourite pure-blood marriage partners in the seventeenth century. In due course, Cape-born women in which the majority were of mixed ancestry, rapidly overtook their Asian counterparts (ibid, p.197). Manumission This was the other process of incorporating the blacks and slaves into the Cape Society. It is an act of setting the slaves free. This had been a common practice in the American especially in Peru and Brazil whose societies employed slaves as fieldhands. Throughout the Company period, the Cape government constantly tightened manumission regulations. Between 1652 and 1708 slave owners could manumit their slaves without company approval. From 1708 onwards, slave owners could manumit their slaves upon the approval of the company (Elphic & Shell, 19 :204). Scholars have presented reasons [criteria] behind the manumission of slaves at the Cape. The first was the criterion of an old age. Some scholars of American slavery have claimed that many slave owners manumitted old slaves who were no longer productive. However, the old age thesis remains unproven for the Cape (ibid, p.207). The second commonly held view of manumission is that certain slaves, because of their physical appearance, had “somatic” advantages in obtaining freedom. Those who were closer in skin colour and physical appearance to their masters had the greater chances of freedom. In this case, Indonesian and Indian slaves were manumitted in great proportion compared to the Madagascan and African slaves who least resembled their European masters. Nonetheless, it is impossible to disentangle the relative importance of the somatic, cultural and economic force which favoured Cape-born and Asian slaves in manumission. The economic reason best explains as to why Madagascans and African slaves were not manumitted in great proportion. It is believed that rural owners preferred them because they were fiedhands; they were cheaper than skilled Asian slaves, whom urban owners imported from great distances at great cost. Therefore Indonesians and Indian slaves in Cape Town had much greater access than rural slaves not only to Islam and Christianity but also to freedom. The imperatives of the labour-intensive agricultural economy and its associated culture may have formed the main obstacles to the manumission of the majority of Cape slaves (Elphick & Shell,19 :213-214). The other reason that is put forward by historians is the amorous [loving] attachments between the masters and their slaves especially slave women who had sexual relations with their masters. In this process, more women and their children were set free [manumitted] in comparison to adult male slaves. Nevertheless, there is little and convincing evidence to demonstrate that a number of slaves at the Cape were manumitted on humanitarian grounds. Available evidence points out that only 7.6 percent of total manumissions were through humanitarian reasons. This cannot therefore be taken as an important reason for the manumission of the majority of slaves at the Cape (Elphick & Shell, 19 :212). Cultural Exchanges among Groups The most obvious feature of the cultural history of the Cape was the borrowing of cultural traits between the Slaves and Khoikhoi on one hand and the Europeans on the other. It should therefore be underscored that cultural borrowing was not simply a matter of European culture being transferred to Asians and Africans; African culture was also transferred to the Europeans (Elphick & Shell, 19 : 225). Slaves adopted European culture. Europeans adopted the culture of the Khoikhoi of pastoral and hunting economy. They modified certain aspects of the economy by introducing the controlled breeding of sheep, extensive slaughter of animals for regular human consumption and more intensive grazing which eventually led to soil erosion. With the adoption of the Khoikhoi’s culture, by the 18th century, the Europeans began to burn the veld just as the Khoikhoi did in order to improve pasture (ibid, p.228). The Khoikhoi and Slaves on the other hand adopted European culture like farming, trading with sailors, language and religion. Therefore, the prevailing trend of the cultural history of the period under review involved a mixture of various European cultures (Dutch, French etc) and slave cultures (Bengali, Indonesian, Madagascan etc) that were merging with one another and with the culture of the Khoikoi. Thus, by the 18th century, the main cultural interchange transcended ethnic or cultural groups (ie European versus non-European or slaves versus Khoikhoi) and became regional mainly involving regions. In Cape Town, a mixed European and Asian culture was shared by Company officials, some burghers and slaves. In the agrarian southwestern Cape, slaves and Europeans seemed to share a culture which was predominantly European. In the trekboer regions the prevailing languages were Dutch and Portuguese. However, there was a merging of the culture of slaves, Europeans and the Khoikhoi influences to the livestock economy (Elphick & Shell, 19 : 230). Module 4: THE BRITISH INTERVENTION AND THE GREAT TREK The end of the 18th century was a period of turmoil (crisis) in Europe. Revolutions were taking place in Europe. Prominent among them included the French revolution of 1789-1795. By the early 1800s the number of British ships sailing to and from their colony of India had enormously increased. Like the before them, the British needed a supply station for their ships. They also wanted a naval base where they could protect their shipping from possible attacks by rival European navies. The British had already control of the Cape in 1795. It was later in 1803 handed back to the Dutch government which was also known as the Batavian Republic (Shillington, 1987:53). The Dutch East India Company had by then become bankrupt. But war soon broke out again in Europe and the Dutch allied with the French against Britain and this in turn threatened the safety of British shipping. Following the victory over the French navy in 1805, the British seized control of the Cape again in 1806. This time Britain was determined to keep the colony and at the European peace conference of 1814 their possession of the Cape was confirmed (ibid). In order to maintain safety of their shipping route to India, the British determined to make the Cape a secure colony hoping that it would become a place for British settlement like Canada and Australia. It was at this period [18th century] where Britain was in the midst of the Industrial revolution. Her factories produced large quantities of manufactured goods that needed markets overseas. Thus the Cape was targeted by the British to provide market for the manufactured goods if first, its economy was made more efficient and exported more goods and secondly, if it could pay for its own government from its own taxes and customs dues. It is in cognizance with all these that the British introduced various economic and social changes at the Cape. Economic Changes The British occupation of the Cape gave a great stimulus for the prosperity of the economy of the Cape. More ships sailed to Cape Town and there was a permanent armed force of about thousand soldiers to be fed. In line with this, the demand and price for beef increased. Wine production expanded because of the low import tarrifs into Britain; trade with the African interior also expanded after 185 due to the increased demand for ivory for ornaments, cutlery handles, piano keys and billiard balls in Europe. In addition, the British and other European merchants opened trading warehouses at the Cape and the new Eastern Cape port of Port Elizabeth. The introduction of sheep farming [Merino sheep] in the Eastern Cape in the 1830s offered potential raw materials to Britain’s clothing factories (Shillington, 1987:53). In order to stimulate the prosperity of the Cape economy, the British encouraged the immigration of settler in the Cape colony. It should be understood that when the British took over the Cape in 1806, there were about 25,000 whites in the colony the majority being of Dutch origin. In due course, British settlers, soldiers, government officials, traders and merchants however they were still few. In an attempt to stimulate farming settlement and making the White population more British in the Cape colony, the British government sponsored the emigration of 5000 British settlers to the eastern Cape in 1820. The aim was to stimulate crop cultivation at the Cape. However, soil and climate were unsuitable for wheat and could not meet the demand for successful pastoral farming. Consequently, within two years the majority settlers left their farms and became craftsmen and traders in the new small towns on the Eastern Cape (Shillington, 1987:54). Land Policy The land policy of the Dutch authorities and became inefficient and in most cases brought little income. They relied on the “loanfarm system” where the trekboers simply borrowed land from the government paying a very low rent. As result, huge farms were claimed, they were improperly surveyed and rents were often not paid, overgrazing becoming a common phenomenon in these lands. Unlike the Dutch, the British introduced more efficient and profitable system. They raised rents and began surveying farms restricting them to smaller areas. They introduced a “quit-rent” or “freehold system”. With this, land could be treated as a private property which could be bought and sold like any other commodity. The rationale behind this was to make people value land more highly because they paid for it. The trekboers of the Eastern Cape opposed the changes. Apart from their rents they feared that they would lose their “loan-farms” (Shillington, 1987: 54). Labour Policy With increased agricultural activities of wheat, wine and sheep farming increased the demand for labourers. But an increase in slave labour was no longer possible because the British had officially banned the trade in slaves in 1807 which ended the importation of slaves to the Cape. Apart from slaves, the other main sources of labourers were Khoikhoi and ‘free blacks’ (released slaves and people of mixed Khoi/slave ancestry). They were paid lowly and were often kept on farms by force, some like apprentices and others by threats of violence. In order to increase the supply of labourers for the colonial farmers, the government introduced the “Hottentot Code” of 1809 that required all the Khoikhoi and freeblacks to carry a pass stating where they lived or who their employer was. Those who were found guilty were forced to work for local white farmer. Another law of 1812 laid down that children born on a colonial farm could be apprenticed for ten years from the age of eight. These laws strengthened Boer control over their farm workers. They prevented the Khoikhoi and freeblacks from moving around in search of higher wages and better working conditions (Shillington, 1987: 55). The Role of Missionaries One of the products of the industrial revolution in Europe was the emergence of protestant missionary societies. They opposed slavery and they believed that a revival of Christianity and the Christian principles of equality and brotherhood would help the poor and the deprived to improve their lives. The Moravians and the congregational London Missionary Society established their mission stations in the Cape colony. The Moravians opened a mission station at Mamre and Genadendal in the Western Cape while the London Missionary Society opened up a mission station among the Twana and Griqua north of the Cape colony and among the Khoikhoi of the eastern Cape (Shillington, 1987: 56). The majority Africans were attracted to their stations where they were offered small plots of land to grow food. They were taught about Christianity, literacy, manual crafts and other skills. The Boers accused missionaries of stealing their labourers as the mission stations became crowded with unemployed people; in this way they could escape from the “pass laws”. The missionaries had strong influence to the British government both in Cape Town and in Britain and the Boers regarded them as their arch enemies (ibid). Equality before the law: The Black Circuit [Changes in the Legal System] A number of changes were made in the legal system of the Cape. Prominent among them was the introduction of English as the official language of the law of courts. The most important legal change was the development of the idea of equality before the law. This meant that if a servant was ill-treated or not paid his wages, he could sue his employer in the law courts. This was intended to make employers treat their servants better. And it was hoped that if servants had the protection of the law, they would be contended and would accept the servile position. In order to effect the law, the government introduced “Circuit courts” in each district where everybody, trekboers and farm workers would be able to take their cases to court. Judges travelled in rural areas bringing the law courts to each district. Missionaries also helped Khoikhoi servants in bringing charges of assault against their employers. But the Boers were not used to being challenged by their servants in open court. They resented it as they saw it as interference by missionaries and British officials in their ‘freedom’ to treat their servants how they wished. For this reason, they referred to the Eastern Cape circuit as the Black Circuit (Shellington, 1987:56). The ‘freeing’ of Labour: Ordinance 50 and the Abolition of Slavery The development of capitalism in Europe ushered the movement against slavery, slave trade and other forms of forced labour. Humanitarians argued for greater human liberty and equality while industrial employers argued for free labour so that they would buy more of their manufactured goods. In an attempt to effect this, the government at the Cape issued Ordinance 50 of 1828 that abolished the pass laws and apprenticeship of the ‘Hottentot Codes’ of 1809 and 1812. This was a great advantage to the Khoikhoi and other free blacks in the Cape colony. They could no longer be forced to work on white farms against their will. They were free to move around and choose whatever livelihood was fit for them (Shillington, 1987:57). The British believed that this would make Boer employers more efficient as they would pay reasonable wages to attract workers onto their farms. In view of Ordinance 50, the majority Khoikhoi wanted to farm on their own and as a result, in 1829, the government provided them with 640 small plots of arable land in the Kat River region. The other attempt of freeing labourers was the abolition of slavery. The British government officially banned slave trade in 1807; but slavery itself continued until it was finally abolished in 1834. The abolition of slavery caused great resentment among slave-owners, especially the richer Boers who were the main owners of slaves. They lost both the value of their property (slaves) and a loss of their control of labour (ibid). THE GREAT TREK OF 1830s The Great Trek is one of the historical events in the history of South Africa. It was a landmark in the history of South Africa that was characterised by bloodshed, land appropriation and labour coercion taking the form of mass migration into the interior of Southern Africa. Generally, it was an attempt by dissatisfied Dutch-speaking colonists for a promised land where they would be free from the British in their own free states. The context within which the Great Trek took place was the British Imperialism at the Cape Colony that began in the end of the 18th century to the 19th century. As it has already been pointed out in the previous section, the British introduced various changes in the legal system, land and labour policies that were not supported by the Boers (See Shillington, 1987:53-57). Causes of the Great Trek Religious and Racial Explanation This was put forward by Afrikaner urban intellectuals of the Cape colony during the first half of the 19th century. Prominent among them included Anna Steenkamp. Together with other intellectuals, she was not satisfied by the British actions of free Africans and slaves and making them equal in every aspect of life. Additionally, the British introduced Anglicanism as the state religion instead of the Dutch reformed church of the Boers. The Boers and Afrikaners were forced to become Anglicans. This made the life at the Cape unbearable as the Boers were not ready to be treated equally with the Afrikaners. They initially considered themselves as chosen people to civilise the Afrikaners. Economic Explanation Land: The Boers and Xhosa depended on land for their survival in the eastern frontier. By the 1830s it became evident that the area was becoming overpopulated and hence could not sustain all the people who had naturally increased or who had migrated to the area. The area also attracted quite a number of British settlers hence making the area overpopulated. Shortage of labour. The majority of the Khoikhoi became free, slavery and slave trade were totally abolished hence leading to a critical shortage of labour. Introduction of money economy Politico-Legal Explanation This has two explanations. The first one is political explanation. The Afrikaners/Boers objected the fact that the British governed them at all; they even rejected the way they were governed. They were not accustomed being governed by other European races. Therefore, they regarded the British administration as a menace that had to be escaped because it degraded their history, race and dignity. The second explanation has to do with legal reforms and legislations that were introduced by the British (refer to the laws discussed in the previous section that were interpreted by the Boer to be a threat to their survival). Cultural Explanation Another tension between the British and the Boers was the British attempt to make the use of English language compulsory in schools and in the courts. In schools, the effect was minimal since the Dutch settlers’ children did not attend in large numbers. The government’s policy over the white population came into suspicion when the British Organisation of the Trek During the Trek, Boers organized themselves into trekking parties under one leader. It was accompanied by relatives or families. Each trekking party had autonomous unit and each of the larger party consisted of other smaller parties. As Afrikaners moved they were organized into different under one leader and his kinsfolk. As they moved m-north of the Orange river, the parties tended to amalgamate under one conscious leader. Prominent among their leaders included: Andres Hendrick, Gerrit Martz and Piet Retief. In due course, these leaders entered into quarrels because of differences in policies ie whether there should be personal leadership, whether they should ignore the British, whether they should establish permanent settlements. It is because of the above quarrels, the treks disintegrated into smaller groups, some groups went to Natal region while others went to the Highveld. Consequences of the Great Trek The main result of the Boer Trek of the late 1830s was the rapid expansion of white settlement into the heart of the Southern African interior. Until then, white contact in the region had been through individual missionaries and hunter-traders. These had recognized African political authority and were often dependent on the protection of African rulers. The Boer Trek, on the other hand, had brought a lot of whites who had come to stay, claiming land and political authority for themselves. British colonial authority was also drawn further into the interior largely in response to the activities of the Boers. In Natal, they stayed to create a second British colony of white settlement while in the southern Highveld their stay was only temporary (1848-1854). Nonetheless, as a major power in the sub-continent, Britain reserved the right to intervene again in the interior should become economically worthwhile as it did in the 1870s. Africans in the Highveld and southeastern interior were permanently affected due to the Boer trek. Two major African kingdoms, Zulu and Ndebele were severely defeated though not destroyed. The Ndebele went to the north to rebuild the kingdom that dominated the Zimbabwe plateau for half a century while the Zulu recovered and retained their independence until the 1880s. Other African communities were permanently affected by the presence of the Boer republics. In the surrounding territories where Africans were not strong enough to resist the Boers, they extracted tribute and labour services or apprentices. From the point of view of the Afrikaner nationalist, the Boer trek was a great achievement. The Voortrekkers had originally set off in search of new land and freedom from the British control. They succeeded in showing their military superiority by defeating the Zulu and Ndebele. More importantly, they succeeded to form Boer republics in the interior. These included: The Orange Free State, Natal and Transvaal. Module 5: MFECANE (DIFACANE): THE RISE OF CENTRALISED STATES In the late eighteenth century, a process of rapid political change began in the area of modern Zululand and Natal. It generally involved the reversal of the process of fragmentation of chiefdoms and the emergence of powerful kingdoms, each of which united numbers of previously independent chiefdoms under single paramount ruler. It produced a violent upheaval called “Mfecane” which spread not only over the greater part of South Africa but also in vast areas of Central and East Africa (Omer-Cooper, 1994: 52). Mfecane among the Nguni speaking groups refers to “the crushing” and among the Sotho-Twana is known as Difaqane or Lifaqane which means the “scattering” (Omer-Cooper, 1987: 229). It is a name for the process of political change and accompanying wars of migrations that began in the late eighteenth century in the area between Thukela river and Delagoa Bay resulting in the emergence of Swazi and Zulu kingdoms, the founding of the Gaza kingdom, series of migrations and state building activities of the Ndebele and Maseko and Zwangendaba’s Ngoni (Omer-Cooper, 1993:273). In The Zulu Aftermath, Cooper views mfecane as a positive process of political change in thte direction of increased centralization and expansion of the scale of political organization through the rapid incorporation and assimilation of members of previously separate political communities ( as cited in Omer-Cooper, 1966). In Bantu languages, mfecane means “crushing” and “hammering” (Mashingaidze, 1999: 32). It started in the first decades of the nineteenth century and triggered off a chain of events in which established dynasties were overpowered and replaced; old states were conquered and incorporated into new ones; groups of people were forced to leave their traditional homes and resettle elsewhere, economies were impoverished and in certain cases village populations dispersed or captured as slaves (ibid). EMERGENCE OF CENTRALISED STATES AND THE RISE OF MFECANE The emergence of centralized states in Southern Africa involved the establishment of absolute monarchy with the institution of standing army. Institutionalisation of standing army started in the northern Nguni states. There were very small fragmented chiefdoms which constituted large states. Prominent among them included: Ndwandwe under Zwide and Mthetwa under Dingiswayo. These states were rivals and were always at war competing for cattle, land and captives. New rulers who centralized power transformed the traditional institutions of initiations into standing armies (military institutions). Young men who were grouped into age regiments (divisions) and were trained to support the newly emerging states. These age regiments were called Amabhutu. They consequently became professional soldiers, serving the king. As these waged wars with the neighbouring societies they were duty bound to capture men and incorporated the captives into the new army. The emergence of standing armies gave rise to various developments and in this respect the Zulu Kingdom offers the best example. The Zulu kingdom came out of the rivalry between Mthethwa and Ndwandwe chiefdoms. In 1818, Dingiswayo was assassinated by Zwide. The kingdom of Mthethwa began to decline and consequently a new ruler called Shaka emerged. He out maneuvered his brothers and became the Zulu chief. He began to build military power, defeated Zwide and took over the Ndwandwe. Zulu emerged from small chiefdom to large and centralized state (kingdom) that swallowed other chiefdoms. It is said that more than 100 chiefdoms were incorporated into his kingdom. Shaka was characterised by military genius; he developed a tactic of military formation ie close formation using short stabbing spear, he also developed a tactic of total warfare. He even developed a tactic of military intelligence using spies, smoke etc. With all these tactics, he developed a strong military power in the region and managed to defeat numerous weak chiefdoms since his army was highly disciplined. Apart from developing an efficient and disciplined army, Shaka developed national institutions that included national symbols and ideology. He introduced the first fruit ceremony (harvesting ceremony) that was primarily intended to effect territorial unity. He also became a religious leader where he had ritual functions to perform. He made possible for the Zulu dialect to evolve into a national language. He even built a strong national economy with centralized economic power around the king especially land and cattle. In this, the king took charge of major economic resources. Shake is also described by majority scholars as very powerful, terrible person and war monger. However, his brothers took advantage of assassinating him. He was eventually assassinated by his brother Dingane. The power of the Zulu kingdom eventually was curbed by the Boers who defeated Dingane at the battle of the Blood River. The events leading to the formation of Zulu kingdom and the preceding kingdoms in the region gave rise to two processes: The first was the displacement of old rulers who migrated to new lands and founded their new political establishments. The second process was the creation of large scale migrations whose people became refugees attempting to rescue their lives. Consequently, new political entities emerged north of the Zulu kingdom and prominent among them included Swazi kingdom under Sobhuza and Gaza kingdom in southern Mozambique under Soshangane. Other states included Ngoni states [Zwangedaba and Nxaba; these people fled northwards to Zambia, Zimbabwe and Tanganyika resulting in series of states. The other kingdom was Matebele kingdom in present Zimbabwe whose founder was Msilikazi. He was one of Shaka’s general soldiers. In 1823, he waged a military expedition which did not succeed. Again, he waged another military expedition with his own soldiers in the Highveld but his power was strongly challenged by the Boers. He thus fled to Zimbabwe as a new abode. He later on died and he was succeeded by Lobengula. FORCES BEHIND MFECANE/DIFAQANE It is an indisputable fact that, the majority historians have attributed the rise of mfecane to the military genius of Shaka. Nontheless, a single factor cannot satisfactorily account for the emergence of mfecane. The event was complex, involving interplay of different forces ranging from political, economic, and ecological with both internal and external forces. To start with political forces, Omer-Cooper in his The Zulu Aftermath argues that the first phase of mfecane gave a way to the emergence of the Zulu kingdom under Shaka that marked the culminated the process of political change in the sense that the military potential of the age-mate system was achieved with the introduction of continuous service, conversion of royal homesteads into military barracks and the adoption of tactics involving close formation fighting with the use of short handled stabbing spear. In his view, the emergence of the Zulu kingdom led to the intensification of Mfecane as it resulted into massive conflicts and upheaval in Natal (Omer-Cooper, 1993: 274). It also influenced the northward migration of Soshangane, Nxaba, Zwangedaba, Maseko and Msilikazi. The Zulu attack also drove Matiwane and Ngwane on the trans-orangian high veld where they greatly intensified the upheavals initiated by the intrusion of Mpangazitha and the Hulbi (Omer-Cooper, 1993: 275). It also led to the driving of Sobhuza into Swaziland (Omer-Cooper, 1994: 55). Economically, the second half of the eighteenth century was a period of unusually high rainfall. Pastures improved, livestock thrived and herds increased. As more land was brought into regular use, there were larger food surpluses, people were better fed and population grew (Shillington, 1987: 32). However, by the turn of the century, disasters struck. The period of high rainfall came to an end and for about ten years there was a prolonged drought. Crops failed, pastures withered and there was a wide spread of famine. Previous prosperous people were brought to the verge of starvation (ibid, 32-33). Competition for resources became severe since people raided each other for their cattle and meager stores of grain. The age-regiments were in the field permanently and circumcision ceremonies were abandoned because young soldiers could not be spared for necessary six months of initiation and rituals. Besides raiding for cattle from neighouring chiefdoms and protecting one’s own herds, amabhuto were needed for hunting wild animals for meat and for trade (ibid). The involvement in a growing trade in ivory at Delagoa Bay may also have led to conflict between chiefdoms and did encourage the building of expanded political systems. Chiefs were usually able to take substantial share of trade and this gave them more an incentive to expand the area and the number of people under their control and hence increased their wealth (Omer-Cooper, 1988: 230, Peires, 1993: 298-299). During the eighteenth century, the people [especially the Pedi] living near the Leoulu mountains in the eastern Transvaal and along the route from Delagoa Bay conquered quite a number of neighbouring communities and built substantial kingdom. In the Tswana area, the Ngaketse likewise brought a number of chiefdoms together in an enlarged state. This situation of overcrowding and conflict seems to have developed during the course of the century. All chiefs built up armies and developed new methods of military organization. As powerful leaders built up their armies they inevitably clashed with one another leading to what is generally referred to as mfecane (Omer-Cooper, op.cit, p.231). According to Julian Cobbing, external factors gave rise to mfecane. The author attributes the wars and upheavals in the middle of the eighteenth century to the increased white demand for African labour expressed in the massive expansion of the Delagoa Bay slave trade and slave raiding for the cape labour market by Griquas with missionary and official involvement in Trans Orangia, white traders in Natal and British military forces in the Transkei (Omer-Cooper, 1993: 273, Eldredge, 1992: 3 citing Cobbing, 489). However, as J.D.Omer-Cooper examines pieces of evidence, he shows that the expansion of the slave trade at the Delagoa Bay came after the area had been affected by the spread of upheavals from the south and could not have been their cause. Pieces of evidence of large scale slave raiding and trading by the Griquas, missionaries, Natal traders and British military commanders proves unsubstantiated (Omer-Cooper, op.cit, p.273). Therefore, these forces seem to be born out of the facts and can be regarded as viable and able to stand on the test of criticism (Omer-Cooper, 1999: 42). J.B.Peires on the other hand, views the changes and events leading to mfecane as being internally generated. His materialist interpretation does not attribute the evolution of the Zulu kingdom to great men as Dingiswayo and Shaka, but rather to profound changes in socio-economic aspects that eventually found political expression in the state of Shaka. These changes were of such magnitude that they affected not only one of the chiefdoms between Thukela and Pongolo but lots of chiefdoms simultaneously (Peires, 1993: 39). Age regiments transcended homestead and lineage divisions and placed labour of the younger men under direct control of the chief. In his view, these age-regiments were primarily characterised as productive labour rather than military units (ibid). Thus, an articulated combination of the relations of production and the forces of production structured by the dominance of the relations of production might have contributed to the rise of mfecane (Peires, 1993: 302). Ecological crisis is another force behind the emergence of mfecane in South Africa. In South Africa, the health climate and the absence of diseases like malaria encouraged a rapid growth of population. Since South African communities split into two or more, it was obvious that the population was increasing rapidly, and since the Zulu land communities continued to grow, it is evident that they were bound to come into conflict with one another over farming and grazing lands (Omer-Cooper 1987: 229-230). In his article, “Ecological Factors in the Rise of Shaka and the Zulu Kingdom”, Jeff Guy summarises the findings of environmentalists and concludes that by the end of the eighteenth century, the pastoral resources of the Thukila Phongolo region were no longer able to support human and bovine population without a drastic reoganisation of productive forces (Peires, 1993:291). He championed the idea of environmental influences and sought to explain the rise of the Zulu kingdom in terms of stock-keeping and the physical environment of Zululand (Eldredge, 1992: 25). Unlike other environmentalists, Jeff Guy’s analysis went beyond the question of cattle and grazing lands to include human dimensions as well. He recognized the Zulu age-regiments as an economic and military innovation (Peires, 1993:291). Module 6: THE MINERAL REVOLUTION IN SOUTH AFRICA South Africa on the Eve of mineral revolution Of all the historical developments in the nineteenth century South Africa none was more fundamental than the mineral revolution which was brought about by the discovery of diamonds and gold in that country. According to Donald Denoon (1972: 55), the mineral revolution that began in the 1860s and accelerating during the 1870s and 1880s is the most far-reaching change to have taken place in Southern Africa since 1800; more revolutionary than Mfecane, and more influential than the trekking of the white colonists. Similarly, J.D. Omer Cooper (1987:101) argues that the development of the diamond fields opened the way to the establishment of modern industrial capitalism in South Africa. In order to grasp the magnitude of the mineral revolution in the history of South Africa, it is better we grasp the situation before the discovery of diamonds and gold in the 1850s. It should be born in mind that South Africa was not yet a unified state and hence we must treat separately the conditions in the British colonies (the Cape Colony and Natal), the Boer Republics (of Orange Free State and Transvaal) and independent African states. In relative terms, the British colonies in South Africa (the Cape colony and Natal) were the most advanced. These colonies had mixed population consisting of the White settlers, Khoisan and Bantu-speaking groups and in the case of Natal, Indians who were brought in the 1860s to work on sugar plantations as indentured labourers formed part of the population. Although the Whites were the minority group in the two colonies, they enjoyed economic and political influence out of the population. In general, the minority population formed the “aristocracy” of the British colonies. Before the mineral revolution, the Cape colony and Natal were the most prosperous areas of South Africa. The Cape colony farmers produced wheat, wine, meat; ostrich feathers and more importantly they produced wool not only for domestic consumption but also for export. By 1862, the Cape colony was exporting 25 million pounds of wool per annum. Apart from commercial agriculture, the Cape colony and Natal enjoyed quite a number of economic advantages over the Boer Republics and the independent African states. Prominent among these advantages was the widespread use of money. The Cape colony alone had twenty three commercial banks on the eve of mineral revolution. Beside, the process of urbanization was already under way and the two colonies had a number of good harbours. These included Cape Town, Durban and Port Elizabeth. In comparison to the British colonies, the Boer Republics were weak, unstable and poverty-striken. The Orange Free State and Transvaal had no clearly defined frontiers. The political institutions were fragile and they lacked trained manpower to run an efficient and modern system of government. The civil administration was in most instances manned by part-time volunteers. Nor did the Orange Free State and Transvaal command sufficient resources to run modern state systems and provide basic social services such as schools and hospitals. Long before the mineral revolution, independent African states had already been undermined by the process of white expansion from the Cape colony to Natal and the South African Highveld (consisting of the OFS and Transvaal). By 1860s some African communities like the Xhosa and Sotho had been conquered and consequently were incorporated in the White controlled states. Apart from direct military and political pressure many Africans had also lost their land and cattle to the White invaders from the Cape colony. Notwithstanding the gradual erosion of African economic and political independence by the British and Boer republics, the situation of some African states was not completely helpless. First of all, some African states like the Nguni and Swazi states were still politically independent and powerful to defend themselves against the Boers. Secondly, African economies were not only viable but they were more diversified since they combined, crop production, cattle and raising craft industries and trade. Finally, African cultures and life styles were still by and large intact. The Africans still lived in the country side and their traditional institutions were dynamic. The spread of Christianity and western education and migrant labour system had not yet eroded the foundations of Traditional African society. Even in the white dominated areas of South Africa, African cultures and values were still alive with slight changes. The Discovery of Minerals in South Africa Diamonds were initially discovered in alluvial form at the confluence of the Orange and Vaal rivers in 1867). The first diamond discovery was soon followed by the unearthing of substantial diamond deposits on the north bank of the Vaal River near its junction with the Harts. In 1870, still richer deposits were discovered further south at the dry diggings which thereafter became the centre of diamond mining. In 1871 more dry deposits, De Beers and Kimberly were added. White flocked to the diamond fields from many parts of South Africa with larger numbers of African Workers. By 1871 it was estimated that the white population of the diamond fields had reached 20,000 – 25,000 and the African and Coloured population was between 40,000 and 50,000 (Omer-Cooper, 1987: 101). In due course, the focus shifted from the river to the dry deposits. It was in dry deposits that deep-level mining became necessary and required not only investment but also sophisticated technology (as it will be discussed in due course). Mining prospectors who rushed to newly discovered sites marked out a claim with wooden pegs and string. A claim was usually a square, nine metres across. Claim owners were entitled to dig down as deep as they liked within the bounds of their own square. Claims were bought and sold like any other property and were subdivided into fractions of which were sold or rented to others prospectors (Shillington, 1987: 87). Claim-owners who were mostly white were called ‘diggers’ although they employed blacks to do most of the digging. Diggers committees very often drew up rules and regulations to govern the mines and settle disputes (ibid). Living conditions in the mines were always unsafe and unattractive. Dust, smell and flies swarmed over the huge pits like bees round an open hive; terrific heat in summer and bitterly cold nights in winter. There was neither proper sanitation nor running water. The majority African labourers slept in the open or in crude temporary shelters often created near the tent or huts of their employers (Ibid). The Rise and fall of the Price of Diamonds and Problems of Deep-Level Mining Most of the diggers who rushed to the diamond –fields in the early 1870s hoped for quick and easy fortunes. It is beyond doubt that many fortunes were made, but on the whole, making a lot of money out of diamonds was often disappointing. Sometimes by the time even a fairly large diamond was found the claim-holder had got into so much debt that there was little debt, if any, profit. Worse enough, the price of diamonds began to fall. Initially, diamonds were rare in the world and this helped to keep their value extremely high. But once regular mines had been opened up in Southern Africa, diamonds were no longer rare and more importantly European markets were no longer able to pay such high prices of diamonds. This led to the falling price of diamonds and greatly affected the majority of the miners in Kimberly (Shillington, 1987: 88). As the mines got deeper, problems increased. The roadways across the mines collapsed thereby filling in many claims and killing quite a number of workers. As the claims were cleared of falling debris, they acted like huge wells and began to fill with water. By the end of the 1870s it was no longer possible for individual diggers to employ a handful of labourers to work a claim with any real hope of profit. Huge capital was needed to operate deep-level mines. With the rising costs of working deep in the mine and flood waters spreading across claims, it was evident that more efficient mines were amalgamated (joined together) and worked as larger units. This began with the formation of mining companies in the late 1870s. Claim-owners without enough capital were duty bound to borrow capital to form a company. Prominent among such company owners included Cecil Rhodes who made huge profit from his company that was pumped water from other people’s mining claims. In 1880 Cecil Rhodes formed the De Beers Mining Company. No sooner had the company been established than it bought claims and companies in the Kimberly mine. By 1889 the De Beers Consolidated Mining Company had already owned and controlled all the Mining in Kimberly. Large companies now had the money to operate deep-level and underground mining (Shillington, 18789). In early 1870s alluvial gold was discovered in the Sontpansberg and Lyndernburg districts of the Transvaal. However, in 1886 a god bearing reef was discovered on the Witwatersrand by Frederick and Henry William Struben. This discovery was a major turning point in the history of South Africa. Gold proved far more significant than diamonds in transforming the South African economy. It changed social and economic patterns of South Africa from a patchwork of agricultural and pastoral to a predominantly industrial urban society (Omer-Cooper, 1987: 126). The gold discovered in Witwatersrand (in the Rand deposits) consisted of small particles embedded in quartz materials. Its extraction therefore required crushing of the rock and the separation of the gold from the rest of the materials and more importantly, rich ore was found in very limited pockets. On average, the ore was of lower grade than would have been considered worth commercial (Omer-Cooper, op.cit, p.127). Thus, the nature of the Witwatersrand gold deposits meant that gold production would also require considerable capital investment from the outset. Much of this came capital came from individuals and companies already involved in the production of diamonds. Prominent among them included Rhodes’ closest associate Otto Beit who in collaboration with Julius Wernher established Wernher, Beit and Company. Other company included Consolidated Gold Fields of South Africa Ltd that became the most powerful mining company in South Africa (Omer-Cooper, 1987: 128). Additionally, the nature of gold mining on the Rand and of deep- level mining in particular meant that mining companies needed to use large quantities of equipment, supply of explosives and other commodities. Large quantities of coal were also needed to generate power required to operate winding gear and pumps to keep the mines dry. Because of immense initial investment, the increasing costs and the relatively low grade of the ore when finally brought to the surface, the prices of such equipments and commodities were highly significant (Omer-Cooper, 1987: 128). Economic Dimension of the Mineral Revolution The discovery of diamonds and gold and the consequent development of a highly capitalized and modern mining industry was first and foremost an economic revolution. Not only did mining transform the structure of the South African economy but it also shifted the balance of economic power from the Cape Colony and Natal to the Boer Republics. The mineral revolution facilitated the integration of South Africa into the world capitalist economy. This economic transformation was accomplished by the inflow of capital and modern technology in South Africa. In 1888 about 6.8 million had been invested in South African mining industry. By 1914 about 80% of capital investment in Sub-Saharan Africa was directed to the South African mining industry. In addition to modernisation, the development of mining industry in South Africa brought about the diversification of the South African economy. The mineral revolution reduced the country’s dependence on agricultural and pastoralism. Henceforth the mining industry became the leading sector of the South African economy. By 1912, mining was already accounting for twenty-five percent of South Africa’s gross national product. The economic transformation of South Africa in the 1870s and 1880s greatly increased the demand for labour and created opportunities for large scale employment. This gave rise to an industrial working class in South Africa. Four years after the discovery of gold, the gold mines had 100,000 workers. By 1912 there were 325,000 people working in the mining industry. Of these, 80,000 were white workers. In an attempt to minimise competition and harmonise labour policies and wages, the mining companies established labour recruitment agencies such as the Witwatersrand and Native Labour association and the Native Labour Recruited Corporation. These agencies recruited labour not only in South Africa but also in the neighboring territories especially Mozambique and Malawi. This marked the beginning of the infamous migrant labour system in Southern Africa. Another revolutionary aspect of the mineral revolution was the rapid process of urbanisation. The influx of Africans and White workers to the mining industry stimulated the growth of towns in South Africa. For example, Kimberley which did not exist in the 1860s was by 1877 a rapidly expanding township with a population of 18,000 people. Similarly, Johannesburg rose from virtually nothing in 1886 to a rapidly growing metropolis of 166,000 people in 1900. Nonetheless, the rapid urbanisation was associated with social problems. These included lack of housing and poor sanitation, the rise of alcoholism etc. The development of the Witwatersrand gold mines, like other previous development of the diamond fields, constituted a tremendous spur to railway building. The Cape and Ntal vied with each other to build lines to the rich market of Johannesburg (Omer-Cooper, 1987: 129). Initially, porterage and horse-drawn wagons were the main forms of transport. In the 1860s there were about 68 miles of railway throughout South Africa. The growth of diamond and gold exports as well as the importation of mining equipments necessitated the construction of railways from the coastal ports to the mining areas of South Africa. Finally, the mineral revolution initiated the transformation of agriculture in various ways. First of all, the development of mining and its consequent process of urbanisation created high and growing demand for food. This in consequence led to the commercialisation of farming on the South African Highveld. Secondly, the shift from subsistence to commercial farming induced farmers to adopt new farming methods and to import modern agricultural machinery. Thirdly, by producing for the market, farmers earned more money and thereby substantially improved their living standards. All in all, the mineral revolution facilitated the development of capitalist agriculture in the twentieth century South Africa which revolved around large - scale maize production in the “Maize Triangle” of the Witwatersrand. Political Dimension of the Mineral Revolution The mineral revolution marked an important landmark in the British imperial expansion in the interior of South Africa. It should be underscored that before the mineral revolution, the interior of South Africa had not yet attracted the British economic and political interests. It was therefore the mineral revolution that the British waged their military expansion that eventually led to the invasion of Transvaal and Zululand in the 1870s. With their imperialistic motives, the British had by the 1890s extended their influence to present Botswana, Zimbabwe and Zambia. Module 6: THE LABOUR QUESTION IN THE MINING INDUSTRY An Overview of Wage Labour Wage labour in transitional societies is never accepted without one form of resistance because it involves two issues. The first is the surrendering of freedom and independence. Thus one’s survival falls under the hands of a master. The second issue is acceptance of work discipline and other forms of social control. Some form of coercion therefore becomes necessary in the early stages of proletanisation developments of hired labour. In classical capitalist societies, capitalism developed organically over a longer period of time in response to both internal and external forces. People took wage labour as a matter of economic necessity because of their loss of ownership and control of means of production: land for peasants and tools for craftsmen. Wage employment took place largely in response to market forces ie economic compulsion. In Africa, wage labour was a product of colonialism. A colonial capitalist sector was grafted upon essentially subsistence-oriented pre-capitalist modes of prodiction. Prominent among the sectors of the colonial economy that drew quite a number of labourers included mining, commercial agriculture, infrastructure and construction of social services. Producers had access to means of livelihood especially land and cattle. Such producers therefore felt no obligation to work for wages especially in the early stages of colonial capitalism. For them, wage employment was rather discretionary [unrestricted/open to all]. It was not a matter of economic necessity survival. Since capitalism could not wait for market forces to slowly eat their way into pre-capitalist societies and generate wage labour spontaneously [naturally], there was a need to force the colonial subjects into wage employment. The mechanisms of coercion were therefore devised. These were a result of an alliance between private employers and the colonial state [mainly using political compulsion and not economic compulsion]. Situation in South Africa The demand for wage labour in South African context was greater than any other African colony/country. This was due to the following reasons. The first was the large-scale White settlement based mainly on commercial farming. The second was an extensive mining industry especially gold and diamonds. As it has already been noted in the previous module, the mining industry in South Africa was labour intensive because of the nature of mining ie deep-level mining. The third reason was a considerable secondary industry closely linked to agriculture and mining. The fourth reason was the development of physical and economic infrastructure and the last reason was the development of social services that among other things drew quite a number of labourers in domestic employment. Over all the sectors of the economy, farms and mines were the major employers of labour. echanisms of obtaining Labour in the South African Mining Industry Ladies and gentlemen, it should be born in mind that the mining industry in South Africa obtained labour through different means ranging from spontaneous [natural/willing] supply to induced or coerced supply. In this way, various ways were used to obtain labour in the South African mining industry. Spontaneous/Uninduced Labour Some individuals from a number of African communities in the region voluntarily turned up for wage employment on farms, mines and other sectors of the economy because of a number of reasons. Prominent among these included: Landlessness. Loss of land as a result of European military conquest or encroachment. In this way, the Khoisan at the Cape colony and Africans whose lands were occupied by the Boers/Vooetrekkers in the Boer republics were of no exception. Ecological stress as result of warfare, game hunting etc which led to the deterioration of the material base. Game hunting and its effects on the Thonga of Southern Mozambique offers the best example. Demand for cattle and bride wealth. Once exchange relationships (money) had penetrated society, certain items such as cattle and bride price could be obtained through purchase among the Pedi, Zulu and in Southern Sotho. Demand for guns was another reason that forced the Africans into wage employment. Guns were in demand in many communities for purposes of self-defense. For example the Pedi were militarily threatened by the Zulu, Swazi and Afrikaners. They started working in the Cape in the 1840s for money to buy guns to protect themselves against their enemies. In this way, they moved closer to Kimberley. Demand for agricultural implements and inputs. There were communities involved in both independent commodity production for export and wage employment. People in such communities went to earn cash that would enable them to engage in agricultural production for export more actively. This was especially due to the increased demand for plough. The South Sotho, which was close to Kimberly gold field, offers the best example. However, the labour that turned up of its own volition (willingly) was not enough to satisfy the needs of the employers. Thus, there was a need to create conditions that would impel/force labourers to move to the wage employment centres ie in mining centres and industries in urban areas. (ii) Non spontaneous/Induced Labour Supply This was done in two aspects. The first one was through persuasion and the second was through coercion/impulsion. The two strategies were effected in two ways: Recruitment of labour and Restriction of Africans’ access to land. Recruitment of Labour This involved two Recruitment as a business enterprise by private recruiting agents who recruited mainly for the mines. Because of their dishonorable methods of recruitment, they earned themselves a bad name and were pejoratively referred to as labour touts [aggressive salesperson]. These became notorious for their slave raiding methods (violence) and deception. They often gave promises that were never fulfilled about wages and other conditions of work. The recruiters often collaborated with traditional rulers who often needed guns and received tribute and other gifts. Recruitment by employers. Private employers charged high capitation fees, and their bad reputation tarnished the image of the industry thereby contributing to labour shortage. Reliance by employers on many recruiters on an individual basis meant competition for scarce labour resulting in labour thefts and hiking of wages. In grappling with such a problem, employers maintained a good publicity, creating good relations with the traditional rulers and monopsonic recruitment [single customer market]. Monopsonic Recruitment The Rhand mine owners more than anybody else, needed large numbers of unskilled labour and hence embarked on a joint effort in labour recruitment in an attempt to eliminate the private recruiting agents in the country. In 1890, the Chamber of Mines created a Labour Department under the Native Labour Commission in order to: one, coordinate policy and reduce intra-industry competition for labour and two, to ensure safe passage of recruited labour: transit camps, protection against highway men etc. Nonetheless, this was not very successful. In 1896 the Chamber of Mines organised the Rhand Native Labour Supply Association (RNLSA) as a collective recruiting organisation. Between 1896 and 1897, members concluded a wage reduction agreement whereby wages were cut by an average of 30 percent. Nevertheless competition continued. In 1900, the RNLSA was changed into the Witwatersrand Native Labour Association (WNLA). This was a non-profit collective recruiting organisation. It represented fresh efforts aimed at achieving: First, a break on wage competition by fixing a maximum wage and two, allocation of labour according to need. The need was based on each member company’s crushing capacity. The WNLA continued to suffer the competition of private recruiters. In times of labour scarcity, WNLA members engaged in: one, clandestine/underground recruiting by managers (including labour theft), Two, offering ‘under table’ bonuses and Three, cheating on mill crushing capacity. This problem threatened gold mining in times of Reconstruction (1902-1914) and hence there was a need for further solutions especially given the fact that there was a great a demand for labour after the Anglo-Boer War. The Transvaal Labour Commission was created in 1903 and reported a serious shortage of unskilled labour. Such labour was excluded from jobs traditionally reserved for whites such as blasting, engine driving etc. From 1904 to 1906 about 63,000 Chinese were imported into the South African mining industry. However, Chinese labour was opposed not only by the White working class but also by the humanitarians in Britain. When the Liberals came to power, they repealed the Labour Importation ordinance and as a result, licences of importing labourers were prohibited while the Labour importation ordinance was repealed in 1907, and most of the Chinese labourers were repatriated. Hence in 1912, The Chamber of Mines organised the Native Recruiting Corporation with the view of strengthening labour recruitment from within South Africa. Efforts at labour recruitment were premised on African consent to be recruited (on contract). Nonetheless, such consent was rarely forthcoming. Hence there was a need for more coercive methods. Prominent among them included the imposition of taxation. The Imposition of Taxation Taxation was imposed to the Africans with two reasons: The first was to raise revenue for government and the second reason was to force Africans into wage employment. In the South African context, labour supply was the major motive [through the introduction of Poll and Hut taxes]. In 1849 hut tax was first introduced in Natal of sh.7. In 1857, the Africans on European-owned land who were employed by the occupiers were exempted from the hut tax. In 1875, the Natal hut tax was raised to sh 14. It had to be paid by all with exception of those in houses of ‘European construction’. Elsewhere, especially in the Orange Free State and Transvaal, taxes were imposed and collected as white settlers control was extended and as circulation of money and goods increased. In this area Africans originally paid a labour tax. Africans employed by Europeans were taxed less than others (or not subjected to some of the taxes). Taxation was therefore a goal towards employment. The Glen Grey Act which was passed in 1894 [promoted by Cecil Rhodes, Prime Minister of the Cape] imposed a sh 10 annual tax on every able-bodied male residing in the Glen Grey districts. This Act stated that ‘The Act will remove them [Africans] from that life of sloth and laziness; it will teach them dignity of labour and make them contribute to the prosperity of the state’. The overall effect of taxation was to increase the supply of labour. But some Africans could meet their tax obligations by selling their produce instead of working for wages. Hence there was a need to plug this loophole. Restriction of Africans’ Access to Land Land was the major means of livelihood in most African communities. In most instances, the restriction of Africans’ access to land was effected in two forms: ie Restriction on African tenancy on white settler land and two, restricting Africans to purchase land. To begin with the first form, Africans from becoming tenants on White settlers’ land. The most interesting example was the Cape Location Acts where a series of legislations in the Cape were passed from 1876 and 1909. For example, in 1876, Act imposed a tax on both land owners and the Africans living on locations on private land exempted Africans in bona fide employment of a landowner. In 1909, a sh 10 fee for every labour tenant and 2 pounds fee for every ordinary tenant per day was imposed. The effect of this is that many tenants were forced off the land and the numbers on private locations fell. Coming to the second form of restriction is that Africans were restricted from purchasing the land. In Orange Free State, African purchase of land was prohibited from the beginning of settler occupation. In Transvaal (SAR), African land purchase was severely restricted. However in Natal and Cape colony, land purchase by Africans was an established right. The Native Land Act of 1913 that was passed by the Union Government was not applicable to the Cape Province. It was general measure against. African squatting on land owned by whites Renting of land to African small-scale cultivation Extension of African land ownership by purchase There were two motives underlay the enactment of this law: the first was the need to create a pool of landless unskilled labourers from the mines especially farms and other enterprises. The second was to ensure adequate supply of land for whites especially to confront the problem of ‘poor whites’. Provisions of the Natives Land Act The provisions of the Natives Land Act were as follows: Africans were prohibited from acquiring land outside designated Native Reserves through purchase or hire. Europeans were similarly prohibited from acquiring land within the Reserves. Africans could only remain on land owned by whites as bona fide farm labourers. Continuation or renewal of exercising arrangements was allowed, except in the Orange Free State (OFS). In 1913, after the passing of the Act, African Reserves constituted only 7 percent of the total land area. An amendment in the 1930s extended it to 11 percent. The inevitable effect was the impoverishment of Africans many of whom were forced to look for paid employment. 4. Problems of Labour Control Apart from its scarcity, African labour presented employers with other kinds of problems. Prominent among the problems that were caused by African labourers in South Africa included: Its high turnover: agricultural cycle and other factors Desertion Lack of industrial work discipline Its costs: wages and other benefits especially in the face of small profit margins ie low grade ore. Its disposition to challenge the authority of the employers or rebel against unacceptable conditions of employment In an attempt to grapple with these problems various strategies/measures were devised. Prominent among them included: The Labour Contract The majority Africans were employed not on permanent terms but on fixed terms of contract lasting from 3 monts, 2 years etc depending on its source (whether it was local or distant labour). Allmost all unskilled labour was recruited on contract as migrant labour. Contracts were applied as a device for establishing labour supply for a reasonable duration of stay to justify costs of recruitment and to enable the labour recruits to earn their jobs. A good seminar question is that how migrant labour rather than permanent labour was instituted especially in mining? Despite the contract, workers still deserted their employers. Other strategies were therefore used. Master and Servants Laws These started in the Cape colony with the Master and Servant Act of 1856 and spread to Natal in 1894, Orange Free State in 1904 and in Transvaal (SAR) in 1880. The Master and Servant legislation in the four territories was taken over by the British after the Anglo-Boer War. Servants and Masters were criminally liable for prosecution for breaches of employment contract. For example, servants were not allowed to desert, disobey his Master, willful breach of duty, absence without leave etc while Masters were strictly forbidden to withhold wages of failure to supply food. Although it was supposed to be non-racial, in practice, the law applied to the white masters and to black servants, it was applied to specific job categories. Punishments meted out to black servants were usually severe befitting a criminal offence. The Pass System This also in began in the Cape colony, as back as 1828 (4th Ordinance). It was first introduced to control admission of Africans living beyond the Cape frontier. Later it was made to control movement of Africans and to regulate the flow of African labour to the towns and farms. A pass is a form of identification; it checked the influx of Africans into towns and farms and provided evidence of employment. In the Kimberley Diamond Fields, each servant was in 1872 obliged to carry an identity card (Pass), showing particulars of contract such as employee, wages, employer, period of contract etc. Anyone failing to produce such identity was regarded as a loiterer and therefore liable to prosecution. In Witwatersrand Gold Fields, the Pass Law [in the Transvaal in 1895] was applicable to the ‘labour districts’ which coincided with the mining districts. Like in the Kimberely diamond fields, Africans were supposed to carry an employer’s pass as identification. Failure to produce a Pass meant arrest, prosecution and punishment. After the Anglo-Boer War, the British introduced a much more elaborate system of labour control (in the Transvaal) comprising of one, reorganisation and expansion of the pass department, two, appointment of government pass inspectors and tree, introduction of fingerprint impression to facilitate positive identification. Strict Supervision Physical Segregation on Racial Basis This involved two: The locations and the compound system. Locations In the late 1870s Africans were localized in specific areas (locations) where whites were not expected to settle. This was due to three reasons. The first reason was to concentrate Africans where they could be easily contained for the fear rebellion. The second reason was an attempt to control Africans ‘living at large’ and this made easy to identify deserters. The third reason was to control ‘contagious [infectious/communicable] diseases’. Perhaps the most effective strategy of controlling labourers was the compound system. The Compound System The compound system was pioneered on the Kimberley diamond fields from 1885. Compounds were for African contract labour and mainly consisted of enclosed, barrack-like accommodation in bachelor compounds. In these compounds, labourers were disciplined in a military fashion in various ways. Prominent among them included the following: Communal dormitories: the tribal compound and tribal headmen. Rising to the sound of an early morning bell or siren The early morning parade Communal eating in a ‘mess’ Mobility between mine and the outside was strictly forbidden; it was usully allowed at the end of the contract. Social life was strictly controlled with the aid of compound police, spies: all under the authority of a white compound manager such as controlling drinking and or sex life etc and in most instances, fines for offences were usually common. Thorough system of searching for stolen diamonds: strip searching. The compound system was elaborated by the De Beers Consolidated Mines Ltd. The De Beers Convict Station was the company’s model. Convicts from the Cape and Kimberley goals were hired from 1884 and put in enclosed space. The convicts were put under strict discipline, closely supervised and rigorously searched for stolen diamonds: went naked to their cells (covered with blankets). At the end of their contracts, they were put in solitary confinement for 5 days (naked) before they were released to leave the mine. The compound system was adopted on the Rhand goldfield but these were open compounds. Gnerally, the compound system performed the following functions. The first was to control theft of minerals. The second was a matter of enforcement of industrial and extra-mural discipline. The third reason was to control desertion and the last was to control class consciousness and averting of strikes. The Industrial Colour Bar This was in effected in two ways. Introducing relations of power in which black labour was subordinated to white authority. Hierarchy of authority was based on race. Blacks were relegated to obeying white order. In 1880s especially in Kimbererly, African mineworkers had to work under white supervision by law. By 1889 the practice had been regularized on all mines including the Rhand. Africans were barred from jobs traditionally reserved for whites such as blasting (better paid jobs). Regulations issued under the 1911 Mines and Work Act imposed a legal bar to employment of non-whites on jobs for whites (job reservation). Module 8: THE IMPERIAL FACTOR IN SOUTH AFRICAN HISTORY The imposition of Imperialist control of South Africa basically involves two levels of subjugation that occurred within the last thirty years of the 19th century. Subjugation first involved those African states that were still independent and secondly, subjugation involved those Afrikaner republics. The imperialist triumph of Britain in this sub-region was sealed by the Boer War of 1899 and 1900. There seem to be two major inter-related factors specific to South Africa which determined British intervention. These included: The mineral revolution. This created an appetite for the control of mineralised or potentially mineralized land as well as sources or potential sources of labour supply for the mining industry. The scramble for Africa. This motivated other European powers to seek a stake in the sub-region. Germany was Britains’ major rival power in this regard. The growing power of the South African Republics mainly because of its access to mineral wealth posed a threat to Britain because first, the Republics had territorial ambitions and secondly, they were inclined to ally with Britain’s rivals in the scramble. Ladies and gentlemen, let us briefly discuss the two major processes of British imperial expansion in the interior of South Africa. SUBJUGATION OF INDEPENDENT AFRICAN STATES, 1870-1900 The territorial integrity of African states was threatened as much by settler territories (Afrikaner and English) as by Britain as an imperialist power. The settler territories sought to expand their dominions mainly in order to satisfy their growing demands for additional agricultural land. As for Britain, appropriation of African territory was part of her larger imperialist scheme. Like other imperialist countries, Britain was seeking a total monopoly on the whole southern African sub-region. African states failed to defend against the intervention because of one, their political and cultural rivalries and secondly, because of their physical separation by wages of white settlement. African response to white intrusion ranged from collaboration to armed resistance. This took various forms: Alliance with White governments against African rivals/enemies eg The Swazi in fear of the Zulu from the days of Mfecane allied with the Boers of Transvaal. Alliance with the British against Afrikaner territorial ambitions eg the Tswana, Lesotho in 1869, the Zulu etc. Armed resistance to white intrusion or rule, wheter British or Afrikaners. For example, the Zulu, Pedi, South Sotho etc. Extension of Territory by the Cape Colony The Cape colony with the approval of Britain engaged in a number of expansionary activities which involved subjugation of independent African polities (kingdoms and chiefdoms). Acquisition of African kingdoms invariably [always] involved military expeditions. The main motives were only two. The first was to acquire land for settler farming and the second reason was to obtain labour especially for the Kimberley diamond fields. Prominent among the territories that were conquered by Britain included: Fingoland (1879), Griqualand East (1879), Thembuland (1885) and Pondoland (1894). The Conquest of the Zulu In 1870s, the Zulu kingdom was the most powerful African state south of the Limpopo. A revitalised army and a united kingdom under Catshwayo (nephew of Shaka and Dingane). The traditional enemies of the Zulu were the Transvaal Afrikaners who had defeated Dingane at the Battle of the Blood River. Therefore, the Zulu sought an alliance with Natal colony as insurance against an aggression from the Transvaal republic. However the British annexation of the Transvaal in 1877 changed the situation. Initially the Zulu triumphed when they defeated a British regiment at the battle of Isandhlwana on Jan 22, 1879 where the British lost 16, 0000 men). The Zulu were eventually defeated only after the British got reinforcements. Then the Zulu kingdom was broken up into 13 chiefdoms and Catshwayo was exiled. He was later allowed back home but with reduced authority and was also put under close British surveillance [observations]. In 1887 the British annexed the rest of the Zulu territory which it incorporated into Natal colony where the whites only had responsible government. SUBJUGATION OF AFRIKANER REPUBLICS These included The Orange Free State and Transvaal. The British and the Boers fought in the war that was generally referred to as The Anglo-Boer War from 1899 to 1902. This war turned out to be longer lasting and more devastating than either side had imagined. It lasted until the middle of 1902. The war has been called different names such as The Boer War (by the British), the Second War of independence (by the Afrikaner). Although the war was termed to be the Anglo-Boer war, recent studies have revealed that Africans also actively involved in large scale in the war and they were affected by the war too. The subjugation of the Afrikaner republics should be looked into three stages. Stage one: The Boers Invasion, 1899-1900 The Boers aimed to achieve a number of quick early victories before the arrival of large scale British reinforcements from overseas. They hoped that this combined with the diplomatic pressures from other European countries could force the British to come to terms as they had in 1881. In the first few weeks, the Boer forces won victories in south east Natal, south west into the Cape midlands and westwards to cut the rail link with Rhodesia. However, these were victories in defense of the land they had already acquired. The attempt to force the British compromise and withdraw proved failure. Stage two: British Victories, 1900. By January 1900 the British had assembled a huge army in South Africa. Reinforcements arrived, not only from Britain, but from Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Under the new commander of the army, the British army began to recover the losses suffered from the previous year. By the end of February, Kimberley and Ladsmith had been relived and the Boer General, Cronje had surrendered with 400 men at Paardberg. In March, Bloemfontein was captured as the Orange River Colony. In May, Mafikeng had been captured and by the end of June the British had occupied Johanesburg and Kruger’s capital of Pretoria. Kruger himself escaped by train to Delagoa Bay and hence by ship to Europe. But the Boers refused to recognise their defeat; their generals and armies disintegrated into small armies. For the next two years they conducted an effective guerilla campaign against the British occupation. Stage three: Guerilla Warfare, 1900-1902. The mobility of the Boers into small armies caused the guerilla warfare in fighting against the British occupation. They damaged railway lines, cut telegraphic wires and generally disrupted British supplies and communication. They launched successful attacks against isolated British columns. Module 9: RECONSTRUCTION AND THE WHITE UNION The Post-war Situation: An overview The Anglo-Boer War resulted into the reconstruction and the union government of South Africa. This was largely due to the terms of the Peace of Vereninging of 1902 where leaders of the Boers recognized overall British authority over the entire South Africa. The former Boer republics became British colonies although they were promised internal self-government as soon as possible. Therefore, Britain’s first priority was to get Boer agreement to an end of the war and recognition of British authority in South Africa (Shillington, 1987: 136). With the annexation of the Transvaal and the Orange River colonies, Lord Milner was made High Commissioner for the two colonies and moved the seat of his authority to Johannesburg. Anxious to bring about federation of all South Africa without delay, he tried to get the Cape Constitution suspended this was suspended. In order to prepare a way for fuller unification, a commission was established to look into the central issue of Southern African society and the economy, the treatment of the African peoples and the exploitation of African labour. The South African Native Affairs Commission of 1903 -1905 extended its hearings to Rhodesia as well as Swaziland, Basutholand and Bechuanaland. Its conclusions were to form much of the basis of social development in Soth Africa after the achievement of Union. Reconstructions in South Africa Economic Reconstruction In the period of economic reconstruction which followed the war, it soon became clear that the white supremacy was to be restored and even strengthened. The first priority was the reconstruction of the mining industry. The dynamite and railway concessions were abolished and wages were cut to half their pre-war levels. Africans, however, refused to work at these rates and the mines suffered from a severe labour shortage. The problem was temporarily solved by the introduction of 63,000 workers from northern China. They brought in on five-year contract at low fixed wages. By the time the Chinese were repatriated in 1908, the Recruitment of African labour was well under way. WNLA was recruiting contract workers at low rates from as far as Mozambique and Nyasaland. Lord Milner’s post-war administration was determined to make agriculture more efficient in order to reduce food costs in urban areas. Lower food prices on the Rhand would mean employers could pay lower wages. The British government poured money into agricultural investment to effect this. Consequently, the Boers were restored to their farms and modern scientific techniques were encouraged. Labour tenancy agreements began to be substituted by low paid wage labour. Share cropping agreements between African farmers and white farm-owners remained widespread for years to come. Africans of the former Boer republics had hoped for greater economic freedom after the war. But they found that the British administration was even more efficient at enforcing ‘pass laws’ and collecting taxes. African occupation of former Boer farms was strictly forbidden and consequently, the Pedi were reconfined to their former locations. In general, Africans got no financial compensation for the losses suffered during the war. African resentment at British post-war economic policies boiled over into open rebellion in Natal in 1906. In response, the government crushed the Africans’ resistance with great brutality and about 4000 Africans had been killed (Shillington 1987: 137-138). The movement towards South African Union Part of Milner’s reconstruction programme had been aimed at countering Afrikaner nationalism. He hoped to bring in the British immigration and promote English language and culture through the expansion of education for the Whites. But British immigrants did not come to South Africa in numbers expected and Afrikaners resented British attempts to undermine their language, religion and culture. In addition, anti-black feeling was kept alive by memories of Afrikaner suffering in the wartime concentration camps. The Act of Union of 1910 brought the Transvaal, Orange Free State, Natal and the Cape Colony under the authority of a single parliament based in Cape Town. As a result, Pretoria became the capital comprising of the central government civil service. The official head was the British-appointed Governor-General. The former leaders of the Boers Louis Botha and Jan Smuts became Prime minister and Deputy respectively (Shillington, 1987: 138). The British Government’s main aim was to reconcile the Boers and the British in South Africa in order to create a strong self-governing union within the British Empire. The Afrikaans and English language were given equal status as official languages. The situation to Africans was quite negative. Only Whites were allowed to become members of the parliament. The limited property-based, non-racial franchise to the Cape was retained in the Cape Province. Thus, the future of the black political rights in South Africa were now left in the hands of an independent, self-governing, local white parliament. Nonetheless, the Africans continued to be marginalised; they were segregated in all aspects. The minority rule, consequently led to segregation and apartheid in the history of South Africa. This created foundations for segregation of the majority Africans in South Africa. K